                             




                                   SPECIAL
                                INVESTIGATIVE
                                    REPORT








                              to the attention of


                                    UNITED
                                    STATES
                                   FIREARMS
                                    OWNERS                             
                                     






                                    
                                       F
                                       L
                                       O
                                       R
                                       I
                                       O
                                       G
                                       A
                                       T
                                       E




               
            
                                      $$$
                                      HOW 
                                  THE ISSUE OF  
                                 "GUN CONTROL"
                                    WAS USED 
                                 TO FACILITATE 
                                  AND CONCEAL
                                   WIDESPREAD
                              POLITICAL CORRUPTION 
                                   THROUGHOUT 
                                   NEW JERSEY  
                                      $$$
                                       
                                       
               
 
                  "Americans have the right and advantage of 
                  being armed - unlike the citizens of other 
                  countries whose governments are afraid to 
                  trust the people with arms."   
                                
                                              James Madison

                                    
                                    
                                      
                                      ***




        Over the past 75 years, Americans have witnessed a growing 
        controversy regarding the "Right to Keep and Bear Arms".  
        They have also witnessed the overly aggressive actions of a 
        growing number of legislators within all levels of our 
        government to eliminate that right.

        Rarely bought into this often heated debate has been the 
        ultimate reality of firearms prohibition and the exact 
        impact such legislation, once in force, would have on the 
        American public at large.  This investigative report 
        provides a full understanding of what "gun control" 
        ultimately means in real, everyday terms.  No theory, no 
        conjecture, no presumptions - simply fact.  It documents 
        events which have already occurred here in the United 
        States. 

        Although this report only addresses the various steps 
        undertaken in eliminating one classification of firearm, 
        the "Assault Weapon", the criminal actions of Governor 
        Florio and key legislators within the government of New
        Jersey are relevant to similar efforts restricting lawful 
        firearms ownership across America.



                


                                 NEW JERSEY
                            INVESTIGATIVE REPORT

                                     ***

                              THE LINK BETWEEN
                               "GUN CONTROL"
                                    AND
                            POLITICAL CORRUPTION






On May 30, 1990, New Jersey Governor Jim Florio signed the "Assault Weapon 
Ban" into law.  This action was heralded as a bold and rational step in the 
war against crime by advocates for gun control throughout the United  States.  

Since its passage, it has been highly publicized as a monument to the courage 
and leadership of Governor Florio, and of those legislators who supported and 
voted the legislation into law against the powerful forces of the "gun lobby".  

The 1993 John F. Kennedy Profile in Courage Award was, in fact, been bestowed 
upon Governor Florio in recognition of his role in establishing the most 
restrictive "gun control" law in America.  

This investigative report chronicles the background, legislative history, true 
reasons, as well as the actual negotiations behind the passage of this 
controversial legislation.  It documents a side of the "gun control" issue
never before exposed...  and issues clear and undeniable proof as to the 
extent of corruption, bribery, manipulation, blackmail, deceit, fraud and 
perjury, supporters of "gun control" legislation are willing to pursue.


                                   PREFACE

New Jersey's "Assault Weapons" law of 1990 created an overnight increase in 
the number of felons in New Jersey by a conservative estimate of at least
300,000 individuals.  After three years in effect, it has received virtually 
zero percent compliance by the licensed firearms owners of this state; thereby 
placing a significant percentage of its residents in permanent fear of arrest 
and prosecution.   

Far removed from the publicized objective of reducing firearms related crime,
the "Assault Weapons" ban provided a windfall opportunity for many New Jersey 
legislators, both Democrat and Republican, to reap huge financial benefits 
through privately negotiating their vote with the Governor's office.  For 
Governor Florio, it provided not only unprecedented exposure in the media, but 
an effective smokescreen for the many highly criticized and unpopular 
decisions of his administration as well.  

Clear to both sides of the issue is the fact that the media played a critical 
role.  Equally important to their wholesale distortion, manipulation, and 
outright lies regarding this legislation, the media made the noticeable 
decision of placing their long time agenda for firearms prohibition ahead of 
their responsibility to the public interest.  In their zeal to restrict lawful 
firearms ownership, the media knowingly ignored blatant examples of fraud, 
corruption, blackmail, conspiracy, kickbacks and assorted other criminal 
activities of our highest ranking political figures.  In a state historically 
recognized for decades of rampant political corruption, the obvious absence 
of any political watchdog simply fanned the flames of corruption and greed - 
providing politicians across the state with, in effect, total immunity to 
plunder New Jersey's public treasury as they operated

                            
                            IN THEIR OWN INTEREST.    


Since the "Assault Weapons" ban has taken the place of any effective anti-
crime legislation, all New Jersey residents have now become drawn into this 
controversy.  Violent crime statistics continue to escalate, which, not
surprisingly, has provided many politicians the opportunity to call for even
further "gun controls".  Both New Jersey political figures as well as the 
media have totally ignored official State Justice Department statistics 
showing that even the criminal use of such weapons is less than 1/50th of 1 
percent - obviously NOT the crime pandemic originally described.

New Jersey's already overburdened law enforcement agencies, courts, public
defenders and correctional institutions are now faced with the task of
addressing the massive non-compliance of this unpopular, illegal, and
unenforceable legislation by their lawful owners - rather than the growing 
threat of violent crime.  Despite the fact that there are not enough jail 
cells available nationwide to house the newly defined criminals created by 
this single "Assault Weapons" law, New Jersey continues to direct the 
rigorous prosecution of those firearms owners arrested under this 
unconstitutional, complex, poorly defined, yet far reaching piece of 
legislation.  

Select municipalities around the state have taken preliminary steps to 
enforce the law by examining firearms registration lists, contacting owners, 
and seizing prohibited firearms.  Since the intent of the "Assault Weapons" 
legislation was not only to eliminate the lawful sales of such weapons, but 
to withdraw from circulation those weapons already in private possession, 
full implementation of this legislation will mandate the State of New Jersey 
launch house to house weapons searches. 

At that point, and possibly before, such blatant government provocation and
violation against individual freedoms and basic civil rights will ultimately 
be met with resistance, violence, injury and death.  And by the facts of the 
issue presented here and throughout the past four years of this controversy - 
                                       
                                       
                                   
                                   
                                   
                                   
                                   
                                   
                                   
                                   All 
                               Unnecessary!

                                       
                                                                  
                                                                  
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         
                         PURPOSE OF INVESTIGATION


   This investigative report briefly summarizes the corrupt activities 
within Governor Florio's administration as witnessed by individuals on all 
sides of the issue. 

   It will show that Governor Florio blatantly violated his sworn Oath Of 
Office to the People, and to the Constitution of the State of New Jersey.  

   It will expose Governor Florio's widespread abuse of the power of the 
Governor's office, and his squandering of hundreds of millions of taxpayer 
dollars solely for his own political gain. 

   It will show that New Jersey State Legislators Salmon, Bryant, Doria, 
Costa, Martin, Marsella, Kalik, Ambrosio, Bassano, Rand, Pelly, Van Wagner, 
Dalton, Ford, Russo, Cimino, Foy, Peterniti, DiFrancesco and others, all 
benefited monetarily in return for selling their votes and influence.  It 
will link the votes of these and other key Democratic and Republican 
legislators to acts of political blackmail, fraud, manipulation, intimidation 
and payoffs arranged and endorsed by Jim Florio. 

   It will show that the critical, deciding vote of N.J. Republican Senator 
William Gormley was cast in return for Governor Florio's pledge to place the 
construction of a $330 Million dollar convention center in his legislative 
district of Atlantic City.

   It will show that it is virtually impossible to oppose any major political 
figure whom is willing to dedicate the full human and monetary resources of 
his or her administrative office in pursuit of a single, obsessive goal.

   It will show that the 1993 attempt to repeal New Jersey's "Assault 
Weapons" legislation failed primarily due to Governor Florio's use of 
blackmail against Republican Senate President Donald DiFrancesco over his 
involvement in a fraudulent property transaction.  

   It will reveal the massive fraud that has evolved from our supposedly 
"Free Press", and the degree to which the media has corrupted our First 
Amendment rights in blind pursuit of the destruction of the Second Amendment.

   It will show that the call for "Gun Control" is increasingly being used 
to provide a cover for political corruption nationwide. 
                                 
   It will show that New Jersey's "Assault Weapon" legislation was 
unwarranted; that without the corrupting influence of Governor Florio, this 
legislation would never have become law; and that beneath the cover provided 
by the "gun control" issue, much of New Jersey politics has transformed into
the role of an organized criminal enterprise.


                                      
                                 BACKGROUND

                                      
New Jersey has maintained extremely strict control over the purchase,
possession and use of all firearms since 1966.  ALL firearms purchasers must
first pass a thorough background check by their local police department, the
New Jersey State Police, the FBI, as well as a search through all state mental 
health records.  A New Jersey Firearms I.D. Card is issued to approved
individuals which allows the purchase of rifles, shotguns and BB guns.  BB 
guns are legally classified as "firearms", for which the failure to possess 
the required permits is a third degree offense.  

Handgun purchasers must submit to a new police investigation for EVERY handgun 
purchased.  A separate permit to carry a concealed firearm is technically 
available to residents following police and Superior Court approval. In 
reality, however, firearm carry permits are only approved to politically 
connected individuals.  The 1990 N.J. Supreme Court decision of IN RE PREIS 
upheld the N.J. Superior Court denial of a carry permit for private 
investigators and security guards - effectively eliminating an individual 
right to carry a firearm under even documented, life threatening 
circumstances.  Licenses for fully automatic (true Assault Weapons) are not 
approved under any circumstances. 

All permits and licenses are, in fact, EXEMPTIONS to a state legal code which
prohibits the possession of all firearms and ammunition, and PRESUMES anyone 
in possession of a weapon to be guilty of illegal possession until they are 
able to prove otherwise.  New Jersey State Police recruits are trained to 
arrest anyone under any conditions in possession of a firearm in spite of 
their state issued permits. 

Officially, New Jersey courts view firearms laws and regulations as a means
to "reduce the proliferation of firearms within the public", as opposed to a
means of differentiating between lawful and unlawful firearms ownership and
use.  Notwithstanding the extensive investigation of all permit holders, and
contrary to the fundamental freedoms upon which the United States was built,
the legal cornerstone of "innocent until proven guilty" has not existed in 
the State of New Jersey for the past 25 years.

According to the office of the Attorney General, New Jersey's background
check has denied the legal purchase of firearms to more than 10,000 
individuals over the past 25 years - an average of 400 denials per year. That 
number includes individuals denied permits due to their criminal past as well 
as legitimate applicants denied due to non-criminal related reasons and 
various locally imposed technicalities.  

Looking at the statistically ZERO PERCENT level of firearms related crime
reported within New Jersey's firearms permit holders, it is obvious that the 
New Jersey permit process does restrict the criminal population from obtaining 
firearms through legal channels.  A look at the high level of firearms related 
crime in the state, however, demonstrates that even this strict licensing 
arrangement has had NO EFFECT on the state's firearms related crime problem.  

Based upon N.J. Uniform Crime Report statistics showing OVER 11,000 REPORTED 
INSTANCES of firearms related violence in the year 1992 alone, it is very 
reasonable to assume that criminals are aware of the current permit system, 
and do not attempt to evade detection in order to legally purchase weapons for 
use in their crimes.  Some percentage of the 400 permit refusals per year 
reported by the State Police undoubtedly relate to criminal applicants.  
However, the  majority of I.D. Card and Handgun Permit denials relate to 
individuals who are refused for reasons exceeding the denial criteria of the 
N.J. firearms code and the authority of the issuing police department.  Many 
of those denials are, in fact, subsequently approved on appeal.  

Through this stringent permit system, virtually all lawful firearms owners 
are registered with both the State Police and their local police departments.  
Handguns and most long guns are also registered.  There are an officially 
recorded 1.2 MILLION New Jersey Firearms I.D. Card holders owning an undefined 
number of rifles and shotguns as well as roughly 1 MILLION legally owned 
handguns in the state.  Police sources place the total number of legally owned 
firearms in private hands at 3-4 MILLION. 
  

                   BIRTH OF THE "ASSAULT WEAPONS" LEGISLATION

In 1988, N.J. Senate President John Russo introduced legislative Bill #S.23 -
a proposal to ban the private sale and possession of all handguns in New
Jersey.  Unable to establish either political, public, or police support for 
his proposal, Russo, a staunch opponent to the lawful ownership of firearms, 
was instead handed a humiliating defeat of his legislation at the hands of 
the "gun lobby".  That defeat had secondary implications, in the fact that 
Russo had intended to use the resulting public exposure from his proposed ban 
as a foundation for his bid for New Jersey Governor.  

Although Senator Russo had received some positive coverage for his proposed 
handgun legislation, his efforts to build political support for the 
Governorship was weakening in other areas.  The media had publicized several 
past political improprieties (such as unused commercial properties leased to 
the State of New Jersey and linked to dummy corporations under his ownership) 
and had been relentlessly critical of the fact that his entire immediate 
family had received extremely high paying jobs in state government. 

His involvement in a sensational 1984 murder case was known through most
inner circles but generally unknown to the public. (This case was later 
turned into a book and network television movie; naming Russo, by agreement,
through a fictitious name) 

Through his strong political connections, Senator Russo had been able to 
steer the murder investigation away from a material witness (and possible 
suspect) with whom he, himself, was having an extramarital affair.  Becoming 
even further involved in the case, Senator Russo would also provide legal 
counsel to the murder victim's husband (later convicted of murder for hire).  

Threatening to explode into a devastating scandal, various newspapers had
begun to publicly question Russo's involvement and manipulation of both the
New Jersey State Police and Ocean County prosecutor in the investigation and
handling of the Marshall "Blind Faith" murder case.  Assertions that Senator
Russo had influenced Ocean County Prosecutor Edward Turnbach were later
reinforced by Senator Russo's submission and subsequent appointment of 
Turnbach as a New Jersey Superior Court Judge - a position to which Turnbach 
had long aspired.  In addition to his potential political scandals, the media 
had also begun to hint at Russo's ties to high ranking members of Ocean 
County's organized crime syndicate.  But again, little was known at the time 
by the public.

In early 1989, Jim Florio, Senator Russo, and Senator Frank Graves met
privately to discuss the upcoming primary race - Florio and Russo being the
two contenders for the Democratic nomination.  Jim Florio's interest was to
gain the nomination unopposed - an important first step in order to succeed
against an expected strong Republican candidate, and an entrenched eight
year Republican administration.  

Here, and in meetings to follow, Jim Florio underscored the consequences any
widespread media revelations of Russo's background would have on his long
and very prosperous political career; in effect blackmailing the Senate
President.  With a continuing slide in popularity, and following additional
meetings and negotiations, Senator Russo ultimately abandoned his plans to
enter the June Democratic primary  - leaving Jim Florio a clear path to the
nomination.  

In their three part agreement, Senator Graves, a respected senior legislator
with a reputation for "law and order" issues, agreed to sponsor legislation
prohibiting the purchase and/or possession of "Assault Weapons" within New
Jersey.  Jim Florio, in turn, agreed to make the passage of an "Assault
Weapon" ban a top priority of his campaign and future administration. Pending 
his success in the November 1989 elections, Jim Florio also promised Senator 
Russo's law firm the appointment as legal counsel to the New Jersey Sports and 
Exposition Authority - a contract worth millions of dollars in legal revenues. 
In addition, Senator Russo's daughter would receive an appointment within the 
new Florio administration.

Jim Florio quickly captured the support of the Democratic Party, which, due 
to their strong national platform favoring all forms of "gun control", placed 
new demands upon him to adopt a strong, pro "gun-control" campaign.  Senators
Russo and Lesniak, dominating figures over the Democratic State Committee,
used the leverage of the money and power they controlled to further pressure
Jim Florio into supporting a strong "gun control" position.  

Among the many sources of financial backing, Jim Florio had also turned to
United States Senator Frank Lautenberg, but was told that without significant
commitment to the Graves "Assault Firearms" ban, there would be no 
endorsement, election volunteers or financial support.  Senator Lautenerg's
vehement opposition to private firearms ownership had long been a personal
prerequisite in supporting Democratic candidates from the level of County and
above.   

                                      
                         FOR JIM FLORIO, THE SUPPORT OF
                               NEW "GUN CONTROLS" 
                                  HAD BECOME A 
                               REQUIREMENT OF HIS
                            GUBERNATORIAL CANDIDACY.


Up until this point in time, Jim Florio had been strongly supportive of the 
right to legally own and use firearms, and had avoided involvement in the 
growing controversy over banning semi-automatic weapons.  During his career 
as New Jersey Congressman, Jim Florio had supported lawful gun ownership even 
to the point of earning an A rating by the National Rifle Association.  In a 
1977 statement regarding "gun control", then Congressman Florio had stated:  


          "Our job is both political and educational. Members of 
           Congress can try to keep the dike plugged as long as 
           possible, but in the long run, the threat to hunters 
           and shooters will only subside when lawmakers and the 
           public in general are re-educated about firearms and 
           crime.  
        
           Gun control is not a legitimate solution to crime, but 
           as long as crime continues to rise, it nonetheless gives 
           gun control enthusiasts an issue to seize upon".  "The 
           longer our lawmakers distract themselves from this task 
           by embracing the follies of gun control, the more grim 
           our crime situation will become, and the louder, in turn, 
           will be the call for more gun control.  It is a vicious 
           cycle which can be broken by education and by focusing  
           on the real issues of crime.  When we accomplish that we 
           can all breath a little easier".      

Due precisely to his staunch support of the Second Amendment and to lawful
private firearms ownership, Jim Florio had, in fact, received strong backing 
by New Jersey's gun owners and an endorsement by the National Rifle
Association in his 1981 race for New Jersey Governor.

In the spring of 1989, following highly profiled national crimes using 
military resembling semi-automatic weapons months before, N.J. Democratic 
Senator Frank Graves introduced legislation to prohibit the lawful purchase 
of such firearms by New Jersey residents.  Despite Senator Graves' advance 
publicity campaign, and his flamboyant claims to the media that such firearms 
"can be purchased as easily as a box of cracker jack in any hardware store", 
most state legislators recognized there was no problem with the use of 
"Assault Weapons" in New Jersey and gave little attention to the issue.  

At the same time, Jim Florio's campaign advisors were adamantly opposed to
any high profile attack against firearms owners, and had warned him the
possible consequences of enraging such a strong lobbying group during an
election year - citing previous "gun control" failures as well as the 
difficulties they had caused their sponsors.  With the Democratic nomination 
in hand, Florio backed off his promise to make the "Assault Weapons" 
legislation a front line public issue and raised few comments about 
semi-automatic firearms during the early months of his campaign.  

Infuriated at what seemed to be an obvious break in their agreement, Senators
Russo and Graves held a major press conference displaying tables of fully
automatic weapons, grenade launchers, silencers, and other military weapons
taken from Nation Guard and State Police armories; claiming them to be easily
available from any New Jersey gun store to criminals and drug dealers. 

Through his grandstand performance, Senator Russo produced a media feeding 
frenzy of anti-gun hysteria which, in effect, forced Jim Florio to uphold
his commitment made months earlier.  Jim Florio privately reaffirmed his
pledge to make the gun issue a top priority following his succession into 
office, but held back much of his public exposure on the issue for the 
remainder of the gubernatorial campaign.    

After months of hearings and debate throughout the summer of 1989, New Jersey 
legislators ultimately refused to pass Senator Graves' "Assault Weapons" 
legislation - which even failed release for public hearing and a vote from 
Graves own Law and Public Safety committee.  

By most accounts, the emotional stress caused by the tens of thousands of
letters and phone calls directed to Senator Graves' legislative and business
offices and to his home in opposition to his legislation contributed to his 
health problems and sudden heart attack in March of 1990, soon following the 
failure of his legislation.  Senate bill S.166 ended with the death of Senator 
Graves; only to be revised and reintroduced immediately by Senate President 
Russo in the form of Senate Bill S.166 - significantly affixing the same bill 
number from the earlier Graves legislation.  

With the succession in January 1990 of not only Jim Florio as Governor, but
of a Democratic majority in both the Assembly and Senate, the Graves/Russo
"Assault Weapons" legislation was moved ahead as a top priority of the new
administration.   

Senator Russo's legislation normally would have been directed again to the
Committee on Law and Public Safety, where it would have likely remained with
not enough votes for release.  Now, however, as the Russo bill, the Senate
President transferred it to the Judiciary Committee under which Senator Russo
and Senator Edward O'Connor (another of the Senate's most extreme opponents 
to private firearms ownership) had full control.  The bill was immediately 
released from committee onto the floor for public hearings.

More than simply a continuation of Senator Graves' previous "Assault
Weapons" proposal, Governor Florio and Senate President Russo transformed
S.166 into a memorial to the late Senator Graves and a means by which
legislators could demonstrate their personal respect.  From an original three 
pages, the new Russo "Assault Weapons" bill was not only 22 pages long, it 
contained some of the most restrictive legislation against lawful firearms
ownership ever seen.  Equal to its purpose as a "gun control" measure, Senator 
Russo' Bill, S.166, would also become the vehicle to show one's opposition, 
defiance and hatred for firearms owners and most importantly, the NRA.  
   
                         MEDIA FRAUD AND MANIPULATION

Simultaneously, and for the next two months, all television and press reports
began listing all crime involved weapons as "High Capacity", "Semi-Automatic",
"Assault Type", "Rapid Firing" etc., - in an all out effort to condition the
unknowing public.  Television demonstrations of fully automatic weapons along
with film clips from war documentaries were frequently mixed with calls for
banning such weapons from the streets of New Jersey - even though such weapons 
had never been legally available to the public, nor were even their illegal 
use a significant factor in crimes.   

Florio needed no prompting whatsoever to find the support he needed from the
media.  Virtually every major newspaper ran at least one editorial or feature
article each week; frightening the unaware public into believing they could be
murdered at any time by an "Assault Weapon".  Overnight, "Assault Weapons"
took the place of "Saturday Night Specials" (which had taken the place of the
"plastic gun" or "Teflon bullet" years earlier) as the newest vehicle to both
attract public attention and promote anti-gun hysteria.  

For the most part, the media was aware of the facts of the issue, but chose to
exploit the public's unfamiliarity and misunderstanding between semi-automatic
firearms, and machineguns or fully-automatic firearms.  Efforts made by
shooting clubs, sportsmens' groups, and even police authorities to inject 
facts into the controversy were totally ignored by the press - which 
unabashedly repeated Florio's fabrications that such weapons were being 
legally bought by drug gangs in record number from local gun stores - this in 
order to kill "outgunned" police and helpless civilians.  

"Gun control" groups such as Handgun Control, Inc. and the New Jersey
Center to Prevent Handgun Violence quickly endorsed Florio's legislation;
using their own funds and media contacts to flood newspaper, radio and
television even further with sensationalist but false claims of violence. 
Governor Florio's objective was to firmly establish a link between guns to 
crime in the minds of New Jersey residents.  And although it would never be 
publicly stated in direct terms, the problem of growing criminal violence 
would nevertheless be attributed to New Jersey's lawful firearms owners.  

Frequent "Public Opinion Polls" were reported; with virtually all showing a
strong (70% or greater) opposition to "Assault Weapons".  Yet, when even
lightly questioned, most private individuals had no idea what these weapons
were, knew little about the proposed legislation and whom would be affected,
and had no knowledge of the Constitutional violations such legislation would
produce.    

After months of non-stop mental conditioning, however, Governor Florio and
the media succeeded in creating the public opinion that, "There is too much
crime - criminals use guns - "Assault Weapons" are killing our police officers 
- therefore, we must to something to get "Assault Weapons" off our streets." 

Today, that public opinion remains, along with the exact same confusion and
misunderstandings.  The New Jersey public is generally aware that some
firearms have been banned.  They remain completely misinformed, however,
regarding any specifics of the legislation. 


                           CONSTITUTIONAL CONCERNS

Contrary to the terminology used today, the legislation contained in N.J. 
Bill #S.166 NEVER "banned" any firearms.  Instead it simply RE-CLASSIFIED
existing firearms by manufacturer, model, type, firing capacity or physical
attachment, and required approval of a newly created "Assault Firearms"
license in order to either retain lawful possession of a previously purchased
firearm or to purchase new firearms within the "Assault Firearms" category.

Authors of the "Assault Weapon" bill were extremely careful in drafting
legislation that did not make the subject firearms illegal and thereby violate 
the Second Amendment.  In fact, the sponsor of S.166, Senator John Russo, 
publicly stated during an early legislative hearing that, while he felt S.166 
was not a true "ban" on any firearm, it's severe restriction on their 
possession would be enough an infringement of the Second Amendment to warrant 
its overturn in the courts.  

In the first few months of the controversy, Governor Florio similarly defended
his legislation to critics as simply a more strict licensing arrangement, well
within the ability of legitimate gun owners and sportsmen to apply for and
receive, and in no way a firearms "ban". 

Today, S.166 remains technically nothing more than a licensing restriction -
NOT A FIREARMS "BAN"!  Due to the severe procedural limitations and mandatory 
N.J. Superior Court approval, however, no resident has received such a 
license, nor do police departments even inventory "Assault Firearm" 
application forms.  With this law now firmly in place, Governor Florio, the
media, and "gun control" supporters across the United States, proudly (though
fraudulently) publicize it as a "total ban on assault weapons".  Throughout 
his term, Governor Florio publicly boasted that New Jersey would never issue 
an "Assault Weapon" license - even under conditions where an applicant is 
able to fully comply with the strict licensing guidelines.


                              LEGISLATIVE CONCERNS

Initial opinion on the legislation split almost directly down party lines -
Democrats favored the legislation, while Republicans were solidly opposed. 
Governor Florio, Senator Russo and the media heavily promoted the bill as a
way to take UZI's, AK-47's, and other "machineguns" out of the hands of New
Jersey's criminals and drug dealers.  In reality, however, S.166 would impact
only licensed individuals who had acquired their firearms through legal means
and could be tracked down and forced to surrender them.  Criminals would not
be affected by S.166.  Florio's claim that his legislation only affected 
"weapons of war", as opposed to "legitimate sporting arms", was quickly shown 
to be a complete and outright lie. 

As details regarding S.166 began to surface, public opposition increased -
causing numerous Democratic legislators to rethink their position.  To anyone
even remotely familiar S.166, there was certainly cause to be alarmed.  Not
only did this legislation make lawfully obtained firearms illegal and require 
their surrender, sale or destruction, S.166 also made it technically 
impossible for any willing firearms owner to comply with the legislation and 
retain possession of their lawfully owned firearms.  Other concerns followed.   

Possession of a firearm legally purchased and owned for years but now 
reclassified as an "Assault Weapon" became a third degree crime with a
statutory five year sentence and $7,500 fine.  Possession of an empty ammo
clip or magazine exceeding a capacity of 15 cartridges, even without ownership 
or possession of suitable ammunition or firearm, was classified a third degree 
crime carrying an 18 month sentence and $1,500 fine per offense.  Owners of 
any "Assault Firearm", under the strict liability of S.166, became FOREVER 
responsible for the criminal misuse of that firearm by any third party - even 
if the firearm was stolen!  "Assault Weapons" could not be sold or passed down 
to future generations.

While many high profile weapons such as the AK-47, UZI and AR-15 were named 
outright, the general definition of "Assault Weapon" was written in such broad 
terms as to prohibit ownership of the great majority of semi-automatic rifles 
and shotguns ever manufactured.  Boy scout .22 cal. rifles, semi-auto trap and 
skeet guns, target and competition rifles, as well as firearms dating back 
past the beginning of World War One were reclassified by this legislation as 
"Assault Weapons", "Drug Guns" and "Weapons of War".  Since BB guns were 
technically classified as shotguns in New Jersey, requiring the same 
background check and firearms permit as for true firearms, they too were 
reclassified as "Assault Weapons" due solely to the number of BB's such a 
"firearm" could hold.  With such revelations, the passage of Governor Florio's 
firearms legislation fell into serious jeopardy.  

At this same time, however, public outrage was intensifying over the 
Governor's record breaking $2.8 billion dollar tax hike, his $2 billion 
dollar increase in state spending, school refunding, insurance, and property
tax/wealth redistribution; all very controversial pieces of legislation which 
had been rammed through his Democratically controlled legislature immediately
upon taking office. Outrage was fuming over the contempt Governor Florio had
shown the public, and to the fact that they had little or no opportunity to 
register their opposition to his agenda.

Desperately needing a high profile issue to divert public and media attention
away from the growing controversy over his actions, Governor Florio turned 
the full attention of his administration again toward the support of Senator 
Russo's "Assault Weapons" legislation.  

Following their own agenda, the media was providing continuous support for
Senator Russo's legislation in the form of daily commentaries on the enormous
death and destruction caused by such firearms; fully ignoring the fact that 
the criminal use of such weapons were so insignificant they were not even 
listed by the New Jersey State Police or Justice Department in crime 
summaries.  

Nevertheless, constant media stories regarding the "Assault Weapons" issue
would continue to flood the news - featuring the Governor out in front of the
camera, handling an UZI or AK-47, and asking why such were weapons should
be permitted on the streets of New Jersey to "mow down" the state's police
officers and innocent civilians.  Governor Florio's press corps devoted their 
full efforts in placing the Governor at every possible headline crime location 
in order to record film clips for the evening news - drawing examples for the 
need of such legislation where, in virtually all cases, an "Assault Weapon" 
was not even used.  

Looking to further maximize Governor Florio's public perception, political
advisors James Carville and others, were also carefully scripting his speeches 
and commentaries before news cameras.  (Coincidentally, Governor Florio had 
been secretly spending state funds to attend diction and public speaking 
classes in New York City; this, in an attempt to improve his personal 
appearance by controlling his pained and troublesome speech irregularities
and to soften his abrasive tone).  Within weeks, New Jersey residents were
viewing a new, positive, and more refined Governor; vowing to take on the
powerful NRA in order to safeguard the lives of the police and innocent New
Jersey residents.  


                                      
                    Such Positive Publicity Could Not Be
                             Bought At Any Price.


Governor Florio, however, fully realized the uncertainty of passing such
legislation without stronger backing.  In order to fulfill his promises, the
Governor demanded and received the active support of his cabinet, as well as
virtually every state agency, department and bureau.  In most cases, support
went further than simply a strong public endorsement.  Many departments heads 
used the labor of their employees along with money from their own budgets to 
further the Governor's agenda.  
                                       
                                       
                           LEGISLATIVE ARM TWISTING

Recognizing much weakened legislative backing, Governor Florio also began
an offensive within his own Democratic ranks.  Those Democratic legislators
softening their support of S.166 were threatened with the loss of 
chairmanships and key committee posts - high positions of power in any
political structure.

With John Russo as acting Senate President, uncooperative legislators were
directly threatened that their proposed legislation would not be released for
vote, nor would those bills already passed be signed by the Governor.  Given
the full cooperation of the Democratic State Committee, Governor Florio
threatened to withhold election funding, election volunteers and future 
backing from any Democratic legislator not supporting his "Assault Weapons"
legislation.  Accusations of such activities were made during public hearings  
on the legislation, yet no notice was taken by the media.  Such direct threats 
were very effective at deciding the vote of weaker legislators having little 
concern over the issue.  For other legislators who would recognize the 
importance of this issue to the Governor, far greater incentives would be 
required.    

Having far less than the required number of votes necessary for passage, and
with increasing pressure against the proposed legislation from NRA and state
sportsmens' groups, Governor Florio and various members of his administration 
moved the lobbying for the "Assault Weapons" legislation into  an area far 
exceeding any definition of political "strong-arm" tactics. 
                               
                                                           
                         The Governor Identified Those
                      Individuals He Could Manipulate, And
                         Offered Various Incentives To
                                Guarantee Their 
                                Vote Of Support.  

                                      
                               
                               
                               BUYING THE POLICE 

The earlier failure of Senator Graves' "Assault Weapons" legislation had been
partly due to a lack of backing by police.  Looking to gain their critical 
support, Governor Florio began negotiations with top police officials 
immediately.  

Representing approximately 15,000 rank and file members in New Jersey, the
state leader of the Police Benevolent Association, Frank Genese, was a strong
opponent to the proposed legislation.  In numerous discussions, Genese had
assured members of New Jersey's shooting sports organizations that the PBA
would continue to oppose the "Assault Weapons" legislation as they had done
with the Graves legislation the year before.  A formal poll taken of their 
entire New Jersey membership showed over 80% of its members being opposed to
Governor Florio's legislation.  In fact, it would later be revealed that a 
large percentage of New Jersey police officers possessed one or more such
"Assault Weapons" as part of their own firearms collections. 

Nevertheless, the promise of a future position within the Governor's
administration moved Genese to abandon the interests of his members, and throw 
full support along with the Governor.  Frank Genese would later receive a 
position as a confidential consultant to the Commissioner of the New Jersey
Department of Corrections.

Likewise, Governor Florio also contacted the head of the New Jersey State 
Association of Chiefs of Police, Anthony Parenti, and representatives of
the Fraternal Order of Police - asking for their support.  Similar to the PBA, 
the leadership of NJSACOP and FOP were united in their opposition to the 
"Assault Weapons" ban in the form in which it was presented.  As police chief
of Fanwood, Parenti long supported firearms owners and had publicly cited the
positive influence the large number of privately owned firearms had made in
discouraging crime in his own town.

Unknown to the PBA, FOP or NJSACOP membership, however, Governor Florio would 
once again bypass all police concerns about his legislation by introducing 
upcoming negotiations over police pension benefits as the primary negotiating 
point.  In return for administrative support of the "Assault Weapons" 
legislation, the Governor offered to establish low interest mortgage loans for 
police officers, as well as increase surviving spouse benefits and retirement 
pay.

In previous meetings, the majority of New Jersey police chiefs and their 
officers had expressed opposition to the "Assault Weapons" legislation.  
Numerous police officials had testified in opposition to the Graves bill in 
legislative hearings - citing both the lack of a problem with so called 
"Assault Weapons" as well as their conviction that such a ban would not affect 
criminals since it only addressed lawful permit holders.  In an official poll 
taken within the FOP, more than 80% of the members opposed the Governor's 
legislation.  

During the April 5, 1990 meeting of the New Jersey State Association of Chiefs 
of Police, a formal vote was taken in which only 1 out of 197 of those
questioned supported the governors ban in the form it was presented; raising
the major concern that the present legislation had been greatly expanded over
the original Graves bill of 3 pages.  A motion was passed to not take any
position, but to again table discussion on the legislation as they had done 
with the Graves bill back in 1989.  

During that same April 5th meeting, Chief Parenti made a formal motion that he 
be designated to negotiate various concerns and amendments with Steven 
Perskie, Governor Florio's then Chief of Staff.  Parenti suggested to his
members that the NJSACOP recommendation to the Governor be: "We feel law 
enforcement has not had enough input in this bill.  In concept there are parts 
of the bill we like, also parts we disagree with... Because this is such an 
important bill, we should be given an opportunity to be in on the construction 
of the bill."  

A motion was passed to delegate Chief Parenti the task of discussing the
legislation with the Governor's office.  The meeting closed with Chief 
Parenti's warning for all members not to discuss the contents of their meeting 
with any outside source and to refer any questions from the press regarding 
the "Assault Weapons" legislation directly to himself.   

Chief Parenti's follow-up meetings with the Governor's office led to an 
agreement whereby the New Jersey State Association of Chiefs of Police would
strongly support the "Assault Weapons" ban in its current form.  In return,
uniformed police officers would receive a significant package of benefits -
some benefits being tripled.  Chief Parenti's agreement to support the ban 
also included the promise of an appointment to the New Jersey Racing 
Commission at a future date.  Parenti owned race horses, specifically 
trotters, and was heavily involved with the horse racing circuit at the New 
Jersey Meadowlands Racetrack.  Reportedly, his interest in horse racing had 
led to sizeable gambling debts.  

Following that April 5, 1990 NJSACOP meeting, the subject of the "Assault
Weapons" legislation was never again raised or voted upon by the membership.  
Yet, in numerous press conferences with the Governor, Chief Parenti would 
state that his police association had voted overwhelmingly in favor of the 
legislation - even though the written evidence of NJSACOP official minutes 
proved otherwise.  Parenti praised Governor Florio's legislation as a means 
to save the lives of New Jersey police officers by removing deadly weapons 
from the hands of dangerous criminals and drug dealers. 

PBA president, Frank Genese, also made numerous public appearances with
the Governor to champion the ban; his part of the deal to increase police
pensions.  The Fraternal Order of Police provided tacit approval of the
Governor's legislation by not publicly opposing S.166.  Privately, however, 
they maintained a very low-key position opposing the bill.

The New Jersey State Police, with their long time opposition to all private
firearms ownership, provided Governor Florio with the strongest support for 
his "Assault Weapons" ban.  State Police provided the media with endless
samples of exotic weapons to photograph, and the almost weekly 
demonstrations showing the effect high velocity bullets produce against tomato 
soup cans, milk jugs, melons, and other foodstuffs.

The endorsements made by the police hierarchy did not stop individual police
chiefs and police officers from opposing the "Assault Weapons" legislation on
their own.  It did, however, prompt numerous disciplinary charges to be filed
against police officers making their criticisms public.  

In their testimony at legislative hearings, police officers opposed to S.166 
cited the tremendous pressure placed upon them to not testify.  During a March 
20, 1990 rally in which an excess of 7,000 firearms owners turned out to 
protest the Governor's proposed legislation, New Jersey State Police recorded 
license plate numbers of parked cars throughout the area surrounding the 
Trenton State House Annex.  State Police agents were observed photographing 
the crowd and the rally's lead participants using telephoto lenses.  Having 
been warned against attending, police officers whom had taken off the workday 
and appeared in uniform to show their support, took it upon themselves to mask 
their badges and lapel identification in order to prevent further harassment 
by their superiors. 


                     PUBLIC HEARINGS - A DOG AND PONY SHOW

Public hearings on the "Assault Weapons" legislation were rushed through the
Judiciary Committee as more or less a formality.  Each hearing would include
a table full of machineguns, silencers and other contraband weapons provided
by the State Police armory for the press corps to photograph.  Police officers
from the State Police formed a human shield surrounding each table of weapons 
to signify the extreme inherent danger such weapons possessed.
  
Typical of the way in which the hearings were held, opponents of S.166 were
never allowed to explain to the media or to the members of the Committee, the
fact that most firearms on display had nothing to do with the legislation 
under discussion.  During one hearing in which a representative from the 
Coalition of New Jersey Sportsmen attempted to explain that the fully 
automatic, 40mm grenade launching M16's on display were never available for 
purchase in the state, Chairman Edward O'Connor, stopped the hearing, had the 
weapons removed from view, and warned the respondent that another reference to 
the table of firearms would warrant his forced removal from the hearing room 
by the State Police.  Testimony opposing the legislation was kept brief by the 
Chairman - with the most significant testimony censored by O'Connor.

Committee Chairman Edward O'Connor was an adamant opponent of private firearms 
ownership.  In past statements, he had advocated the total prohibition of all 
firearms, as well as police roadblocks and house to house searches in order to 
disarm the public.  Senator O'Connor considered the U.S. Constitution - "out 
of date".  It was therefore anticipated that only one side of the issue would 
be allowed.

Observers at the public hearings would hear New Jersey's Attorney General,
Robert Del Tufo, testify that the legislation was desperately needed to stop 
the state's police officers from being "machine-gunned in the streets".  He 
would also testify that the number of New Jersey permit holders committing 
such crimes were, "too numerous to count".  Such outrageous lies on the part 
of the bill's supporters continued even though Senate Committee members would
introduce statistics from the Attorney General's own justice report showing 
not a single crime attributable to lawful firearms owners.  In fact, no New 
Jersey police officer had been killed by ANY WEAPON since 1987.  

Such documented facts showing the blatant fraud of the legislation's 
proponents made no impression to either the media or to legislators supporting
S.166. To further assist the enactment of S.166, the Attorney General's office
would issue a formal decision claiming that there was NO Constitutional right
to keep and bear arms.

Coincidentally, during the public hearings, a New Jersey State Trooper was 
shot and wounded on the New Jersey Turnpike by two individuals reported to
have been armed with a MAC-10 "Assault Weapon".  Following massive media
attention and testimony by Robert Del Tufo regarding how the Governor's
"Assault Weapon" law would have prevented the police officer from being 
"riddled with bullets", the Burlington County, New Jersey prosecutor handling
the case testified that, in fact, the criminal in question had shot the 
officer with a handgun; a handgun stolen from another police officer's home 
in Maryland.  Once again the state's highest law enforcement officer had 
provided testimony which was an outright, documented lie.  Once again, 
however, supporters of the legislation ignored it.  During his testimony, the 
Burlington County prosecutor explicitly stated his expectation of retaliation 
from the Governor and the Attorney General's office due to his statements 
about the case.  

Dozens of sensational though fraudulent examples citing the need for the
legislation were presented.  In the few cases where opposing testimony was
allowed, such examples supporting the legislation were thoroughly refuted -
though such facts were ignored.

During the hearings, one excellent piece of legislation written by Senator 
Rice was offered as an alternate to Russo's "Assault Weapon" legislation.  It 
too dealt with "Assault Weapons", but addressed the illegal possession or use 
of such weapons in crimes.  Among its benefits, the Rice legislation would
provide extremely stiff first offense mandatory jail sentences for: 


           1) The possession of an "Assault Weapon" without the 
              required N.J. Firearms I.D. Card. 

           2) Use or possession of an "Assault Weapon" in a crime.   
 
           3) Converting a semi-automatic firearm into a fully 
              automatic firearm. 

           4) The combined possession of a legally owned "Assault 
              Weapon" and illegal narcotics.


The legislation was strongly supported by firearms owners, NRA and all state
firearms groups.  It was voted down, however, by Senator O'Connor's committee 
and never received consideration.  Among the various arguments, most 
significant was the Attorney General Del Tufo's position that such a law, 
"Would affect too many white collar social [drug] users."  The Rice proposal, 
which would have imprisoned first time firearms offenders with a mandatory 10 
year jail sentence, was quickly eliminated so that full attention could be 
directed to the passage of S.166.  The benefit of the Rice legislation was 
never reported on by the media, nor the obvious indication that Senator 
Russo's "Assault Weapons" legislation had to do with some purpose other than 
preventing violent crime.

It is interesting to note the degree to which Attorney General Robert Del Tufo
directly lied and presented fraudulent evidence during his testimony on behalf
of Governor Florio's "Assault Weapon" legislation.  Robert Del Tufo had been
the U.S. Attorney for New Jersey in the late 1970's, and was investigating 
then Congressman Jim Florio for his involvement in the infamous ABSCAM
influence peddling and kickback scandal that rocked Congress during that same 
time.  

Congressman Florio had been strongly implicated in this scandal through
government witnesses and wiretaps.  Unlike many other members of Congress, 
however, he never appeared at the scheduled meeting place, and therefore, 
would not be captured on film taking payoff money.  The evidence against 
Congressman Florio was sufficient, however, to warrant a directive from the 
Attorney General's office in Washington for U.S. Attorney Robert Del Tufo to 
investigate the case and present it to a grand jury.  A New Jersey State 
Police organized crime detective named Justin Dentino served as the chief 
investigator of Congressman Florio's corruption case for Robert Del Tufo and 
the Justice Department.

Whether an agreement was negotiated between Del Tufo and Florio to kill the
ABSCAM investigation remains in question.  It is fact, however, that 
Congressman Florio's role in ABSCAM faded from view and was never introduced 
to a grand jury by Del Tufo.  In 1989, Governor Florio would appoint Robert 
Del Tufo as New Jersey Attorney General immediately upon taking office.  He 
would also appoint Justin Dentino as head of the New Jersey State Police 
following an 18 month battle to remove the existing director, Clinton Pagano.

Senator Russo's public hearings accomplished their purpose - providing the
media with the volumes of one sided information and threatening photographs
needed to condition the unknowing public.  Legislators outside the committee
room, however, were still concerned about the serious problems being bought
to their attention by their constituents regarding S.166.

In the weeks ahead, Governor Florio would virtually guarantee the passage of
this legislation by setting up meetings with key Democratic legislators;
negotiating jobs and contracts in return for their votes.  Selling their vote 
were:

Assemblyman Anthony Marsella - Marsella had a New Jersey Department
     of Environmental Protection case pending him for illegal dumping. 
     That case would be dismissed, freeing Marsella of hundreds of
     thousands of dollars in DEP fines.

Senator Thomas Foy - Foy had a long standing drinking problem and had
     killed a man while driving drunk in a vehicular homicide.  The
     state's case was quietly dropped.

Assemblyman Frank Pelly - Pelly owned a failing drug store and
     desperately needed another income.  He was promised and later
     received an appointment as Director of the New Jersey Gaming
     Commission at a salary of $95,000 per year.
 
Assemblywoman Barbara Kalik - Promised an appointment to the State
     Parole Board at a salary of $90,000 per year.  Kalik received the
     appointment by the Governor following her loss in the 1991
     elections.  Unlike other lame duck legislators which served the
     remaining months of their terms, Kalik closed her Assembly office
     the day after being defeated in the November 1991 elections.  She
     stole $17,000 in state funds from her Assembly account which,
     though never formally investigated, has prevented her from being
     confirmed officially as a Parole Board member.  Barbara Kalik
     continues to serve today as a probationary member of the New
     Jersey Parole Board.  

Senator Richard Van Wagner - Promised and received a $90,000 position
     as Chairman of the New Jersey Sports and Exposition Authority. 
     

Assemblyman Ed Salmon - Promised and received a $90,000 appointment
     as the head of the New Jersey Department of Public Utilities.

Assemblymen Joe Doria and Wayne Bryant  -  Both were fending off a
     major Grand Jury investigation into a $20,000 shakedown of a
     political lobbyist.  Governor Florio had Attorney General Del 
     Tufo quietly dismiss the investigation.   

Senator Gabriel Ambrosio - Governor Florio re-directed $3 million
     of funds from the newly created Quality Education Act to be
     transferred to Ambrosio's legislative district for use in property 
     tax reduction.  Presently under Grand Jury investigation.
  
Assemblywoman Marlene Lynch Ford - Promised and received an 
     appointtment to the bench by Governor Florio.

Senator Daniel Dalton - Promised and received an appointment as New
     Jersey Secretary of State

Assemblyman Wayne Bryant - Involved in the $20,000 extortion attempt
     with Assemblyman Doria.  Received leases from the state for office
     space at his empty office building at twice the prevailing rate.  
     His law firm would also receive legal work reviewing state bond
     contracts.  In one case, an invoice submitted to and paid by the
     state read, in one line, "The fees is $40,000.00"

Assemblywoman Stephanie Bush - Promised and received an appointment 
     as Commissioner of Consumer Affairs.

Assemblywoman Cathy Costa - Promised and received an appointment to
     the Alcohol Beverage Commission.  

Assemblyman Anthony Cimino - Promised and appointed as head of the
     Department of Personnel at a salary of $95,000 per year.

Even with the firm commitment of the above Democratic legislators, additional
support was needed to guarantee success with this most important piece of
legislation.  At Governor Florio's request, Joe Salema, a close friend and
business partner to the Governor, approached Republican Senator William
Gormley for his support.


                         FLORIO & GORMLEY - DEAL # 1

Senator Gormley had shown weak opposition to the Governor's "Assault Weapons" 
legislation from the very beginning of the controversy.  However, he accepted 
the unified position of the Republican Party and had assured individuals 
representing New Jersey firearms owners that he would vote against S.166.  

It was common knowledge throughout political circles that Senator Gormley had 
been trying to initiate a major state construction job within his Senate
district for years - an area of interest to which Governor Florio could easily
address.  

Starting with their first meeting on April 15, 1990, Senator Gormley, Joe
Salema, and Andrew Webber, the Governor's Chief Counsel, worked out a mutually 
beneficial agreement whereby Senator Gormley would vote for the "Assault 
Weapons" ban.  In return, Governor Florio would support a future unnamed 
construction project in Atlantic City - Senator Gormley's legislative 
district.  For Gormley, the anticipated revenues of campaign contributions 
from construction contractors as well as newly created patronage positions 
would likely secure him the necessary funds, power and political backing 
should he decide to pursue his longtime political goal of entering the 1993 
Gubernatorial race.

Rumor of the deal drew harsh criticism from Republican ranks; since they were
unanimous in their opposition to Governor Florio's "Assault Weapons" bill. 
Following the enormous tax increases, the revisions in education funding,
insurance and other Democratic pieces of legislation which had been rammed
through the legislature, Republicans had strong hopes of stopping the Governor 
with a unified voice, as well as with the help of a few staunch Democratic 
supporters of firearms owners' rights.  Senator Gormley, however, had 
finalized his agreement with the Governor's office, and was now indicating
publicly that he would support the passage of S.166.  

Aside from very strong suspicion of a financial agreement with the Governor,
questions were quietly raised of whether personal blackmail played any part 
in Gormley's decision.  The fact that Senator Gormley's extramarital affair 
with a legislative aid was known within some inner circles meant it was 
clearly within the grasp of operatives from the Governor's office.  Even 
though Gormley sought to distance himself from possible embarrassment by 
moving his girlfriend to a new position at the Atlantic County Sewer 
Authority, he was clearly vulnerable to blackmail. 

Governor Florio's control of the Democratic legislature meant he probably had
sufficient votes for the passage of S.166; actual polls taken of Democratic
legislators, however, showed less than the required number of votes necessary.  
Nevertheless, NRA and the Coalition of New Jersey Sportsmen made a final 
appeal to their membership, asking them to contact local legislators.  Some 
Democratic legislators simply lied, citing their opposition to the legislation 
in order to avoid the massive lobbying effort by NRA and Second Amendment 
Supporters.  Many others disconnected their office phones for the week 
immediately preceding the vote. 

Recognizing that any additional time before a vote would allow some 
legislators time to rethink their positions, Governor Florio had both the 
Senate and Assembly versions of the legislation call a vote on May 17, 1990 -  
record time from the day of introduction.   

There were no surprises in the votes cast for S.166.  Democratic legislators
almost unanimously voted yes, whereas Republican legislators almost 
unanimously voted no.  As expected, every vote was critical.  Indicative to 
the importance placed on this issue, Governor Florio flew Democratic Senator
Christopher Jackman of Jersey City to the Senate Chambers from his hospital
bed via air medivac helicopter.  Senator Jackman had been absent his 
legislative office for months, and was suffering from terminal cancer.  After
casting his vote in support of the "Assault Weapons" legislation, he was
immediately returned to his hospital bed.  He died shortly thereafter.

Governor Florio's "Assault Weapons" legislation barely passed, with Senator
Gormley providing the key, deciding  vote.

Beginning only six weeks before, Governor Florio was able to ram through his
Democratically controlled legislature, the most restrictive firearms 
legislation in the nation.  With the large number of legislators voting 
strictly due to the Governor's political pressure or his promise of financial 
gain, very few had even read the 30 pages of legislation - much the less 
recognized the problems it would present.


                    FLORIO'S TRIUMPH / DEMOCRATIC DISASTER

On May 30th, 1990, Governor Florio triumphantly signed the "Assault Weapons" 
legislation into law during a packed public ceremony involving nationwide 
media coverage and much fanfare.  He had beaten the NRA and the "powerful gun 
lobby" in passing the most restrictive firearms ban in the nation.  Publicized 
in honor of the contributions from the late Senator Frank Graves, S.166 was 
signed in front of his former Paterson, N.J. legislative office.

Within weeks, a significant number of Democratic legislators began to realize
the enormity of what they had passed into law; especially recognizing the fact
that full impact of their legislation would take effect only 5 months before 
the entire state legislature would be up for re-election.  While media 
criticism of the Governor's tax, spending and other controversial issues had 
greatly diminished during the entire "Assault Weapons" controversy, public 
uproar over those issues actually increased.  Various grass roots anti-tax, 
anti-Florio groups had already started organizing to defeat the Governor's 
Democratic supporters in the November 1991 elections.  

New Jersey firearms owners, NRA, as well as state Second Amendment 
organizations immediately began an effort to both challenge the legislation 
in court as well as recruit legislative support to repeal the bill.  

The number one Democratic joke circulating Trenton at the time was that
Governor Florio had nothing to fear from New Jersey's "gun lobby" because his
Attorney General, Robert Del Tufo, had assured him enforcement of S.166 would 
place all firearms owners in jail by the next election.  Technically speaking, 
Del Tufo's joke was 100% accurate.  Due to the extremely broad scope of the 
legislation, virtually every firearms owner in the state was now in possession 
of some form of "Assault Weapon". 

At the same time, Democrats, led by Senator Raymond Zane were developing
support for Democratic sponsored legislation which would reduce the impact
and penalties of Governor Florio's "Assault Weapons ban".  While a few
Democratic legislators were supporters of private firearms ownership, the
initiative to introduce such legislation was more in the interest of negating 
the extreme wrath and hostility being felt by Democratic legislators statewide 
as a result of their actions.  

That hostility was clearly demonstrated in a special limited election the
following November 1990, in which ALL Democratic supporters of Governor Florio 
lost.  In the state's most significant race, Democratic Assemblyman Ed Salmon 
lost his 1st District legislative post to an unknown Republican by a 
significant margin.  This occurred despite the traditionally Democratic makeup
of the 1st District, and the benefit of a Democratic spending ratio of more 
than 3 times the unknown republican challenger.  That election defeat, despite 
the best Democratic efforts, dealt Governor Florio a significant loss in 
political standing.  Political commentators unanimously predicted even more 
significant political losses for Governor Florio in 1991.

Publicly, Ed Salmon's full support of Governor Florio's high tax and spending
programs were blamed for his election loss; privately, his vote for Governor
Florio's "Assault Weapons" legislation was credited a major factor in the 
upset by observers on both sides.  It was well known that a large turnout of
sportsmen had contributed tremendous time and effort to the Republican
candidate's campaign.  Any legislator questioning the possibility of a voter
backlash, and especially a backlash from statewide sportsmens' groups and
firearms owners, had their worst fears confirmed early on with the upset 
defeat of Assemblyman Salmon. 

In January of 1991, Senator Raymond Zane introduced Bill #3140, which would
primarily grandfather those firearms legally purchased with police permits 
prior to the enactment of the "Assault Weapons" legislation.  In addition, it 
reduced the registration fees, removed strict liability, and removed four 
specific firearms from the banned list.  Senator Zane's legislation was not 
solicited by firearms owners. 

In general, New Jersey sportsmen did not support the Zane bill of amendments
to S.166 due to the fact that the sale of hundreds of models of semi-automatic
firearms would still remain restricted; a ban on high capacity ammunition 
clips would also remain in effect.  Significantly, compliance with the 
legislation would require the re-registration of any currently owned "Assault 
Weapons", thus providing State Police an updated listing they could use in 
confiscating those same firearms later on. 

Nevertheless, Democrats, eager to calm the large number of infuriated firearms 
owners, helped pass the Zane legislation by a wide margin.  That passage of 
the Democratic sponsored legislation presented Governor Florio with a dilemma: 
To capitulate his position and sign the legislation would compromise the past 
year in which he spent lecturing the threat from such firearms and thereby 
destroy his remaining credibility.  On the other hand, refusing to sign the 
legislation would unquestionably destroy his Democratic majority and end many 
political careers.

Governor Florio made the decision to sacrifice his Democratic legislature in 
the upcoming elections by vetoing Senator Zane's grandfather legislation in 
July of 1991.  

Similar to his efforts a year before, Governor Florio drew upon the 
sympathetic media to publicize his position against the amendments carried in 
the bill.  The Florio Administration once again seized every media opportunity 
allowing the Governor to argue against the proposed law.  Little mention was 
made that this legislation would simply allow individuals who purchased 
firearms under the states rigid permit system to keep them instead of 
surrendering them over to police.  Instead, Governor Florio, once again 
looking to create the maximum controversy, turned the issue into a personal 
crusade against the NRA.  

Throughout the entire nine months that the legislation was debated, no mention 
was made that the Zane Bill was a bipartisan effort initiated by many of the 
SAME supporters of Governor Florio's original "Assault Weapons" legislation, 
and backed by his Democratic majority.   

Behind the scenes, Governor Florio duplicated the same abuse of power and
illegal political tactics as he had done the year before.  More than 150,000
letters were sent by Governor Florio to New Jersey residents asking them to
lobby their legislators.  Mailings to Police Departments requested their 
support.  State department heads were asked to use their resources to oppose 
the legislation.  Medical organizations were contacted for their assistance. 
Religious organizations were requested to support the Governor in letter 
writing campaigns.  As before, all state mailings in support of the Governor 
were sent at public expense.

Governor Florio frequently appeared at New Jersey hospitals - speaking with
shooting victims, trauma room doctors, and viewing slides of recovered bullet
fragments.  Sara and James Brady of Handgun Control, Inc. accompanied the
Governor on various hospital tours, and in press conferences throughout the
state.  Even though available statistics regarding the criminal use of UZI, 
AK-47 and similar weapons showed their actual use as almost non-existent, the
fates of all gunshot victims were attributed to the "widespread availability 
of 'Assault Weapons' on the street".  The media actively propagated the
Governor's lies at every opportunity.  

In one particular case, members of a New Jersey gang seeking revenge were
arrested for conspiring to kill to two NJ police officers.  Upon hearing that 
one of the criminals possessed an "Assault Weapon", Governor Florio quickly
called a press conference to promote support for his legislation.  After being
summoned to the conference to "thank the Governor for saving their lives",
both police officers explained their objection to the "Assault Weapons"
legislation and refused to take part in the media display.  Shocked at the
rebuttal, Governor Florio had both policemen escorted from the conference by
his State Troopers; leaving the Governor to address the press conference on
his own.  

While numerous inside sources confirmed Governor Florio's offering of jobs in
various mid to low level positions, his most important political commitments
and arrangements had been made the year before.  Many Democratic legislators 
already feared a strong voter backlash as a result of their own voter opinion 
polls; prompting some officials to jump ship even before the November 
elections.

Senator Richard Van Wagner cashed in on his 1990 commitment from Governor 
Florio and resigned his Senate seat on 7/25/91.  He was immediately appointed 
as Chairman of the State Sports and Exposition Authority - a $92,000 position.  
Senate President John Russo decided against another re-election battle and 
retired from political life.  He was appointed by Governor Florio as chief 
counsel to the Sports and Exposition Authority.  Senator Russo's daughter was 
appointed to the New Jersey Parole Board - a $90,000 position.


                                COURT ACTIONS

By this time, a legal effort by the Coalition of New Jersey Sportsmen had been
filed in Federal Court challenging the "Assault Weapons" legislation on three
minor points.

Incredibly, the broad scope of Governor Florio's gun ban had redefined all
semi-automatic, air powered BB guns as "Assault Weapons";  thus inflicting
the same 5 year jail sentence and $5,000 fine on anyone caught with what was
unanimously considered not to be an "Assault Weapon" - an opinion held by
even the most extreme firearms prohibitionists.  Coalition's case, filed in 
the U.S. District Court, was based upon a Federal pre-emption against 
restricting the ownership of air guns.

To everyone's surprise, Governor Florio challenged Coalition's argument that
BB guns should not be considered "Assault Weapons", and defended the 
legislation in court - arguing that Federal pre-emption, if there were such a
provision, would only apply to traditional firearms.  (Aside from the 
Constitution and the Second Amendment to the Constitution, there is no 
separate Federal pre-emption for traditional firearms.)  In a Statement of 
Facts filed in support of the state's position banning BB guns, the Attorney 
General's office cited the use of such firearms in "reality based episodes of 
Wise Guy, Miami Vice, and countless other crime shows".

U.S. District Court Judge Garrett E. Brown found in favor of Coalition; which
later resulted in the NJ Attorney General's office issuing a directive to all 
police departments and prosecutors not to arrest and prosecute the owners of 
BB and pellet firing airguns.  

The fact that the Governor would direct his Attorney General's office to 
argue in Federal Court that BB guns were "Assault Weapons" and "Deadly Weapons 
of War" was striking proof that this legislation had nothing to do with the 
issue of crime.  Yet, the mass media altogether ignored the absurdity of 
Governor Florio's argument and the obvious implication that the growing 
furor over S.166 was being fueled in order to serve another purpose. 

The main challenge to Governor Florio's legislation was filed in State 
Superior Court based upon the argument that the "Assault Weapons" bill was
"unconstitutionally vague".  Numerous examples existed where different law
enforcement authorities disagreed over which firearms were "Assault Weapons" 
and where the Attorney General's office provided conflicting rulings over the 
legality of the exact same firearm.  

The case was never ruled upon, however, and withdrawn without prejudice on
June 10, 1991.  This action was precipitated by information received back 
from Democratic leaders promising that Senator Zane's grandfather bill would 
easily pass a veto override.  Not only would passage of the Zane bill provide
additional time to raise the funds necessary to cover the anticipated high 
legal fees of a full Supreme Court challenge, such a future challenge years 
later would be likely based upon an actual criminal case against a lawful 
firearms owner.  

Governor Florio recognized that support for Senator Zane's legislation by NRA,
sportsmen and all state firearms organizations was extremely weak.  Anyone
involved with the issue knew that the momentum of Zane's legislation had been 
from within the Democratic legislature ever since its introduction.  Virtually 
all firearms related publications advocated a full repeal of S.166 as opposed 
to Senator Zane's legislation - which accomplished little more than to 
grandfather existing firearms.  Pro-Second Amendment organizations did not 
rally support, firearms lobbyists did not pursue legislators in Trenton, nor 
did the majority of firearms owners in New Jersey even direct attention to 
their local legislators.

Nevertheless, the pending legislative action gave Governor Florio the 
opportunity to champion his cause for months, as if an override might occur at
any time.  Toward the end of the publicity campaign, Governor Florio had
distorted the actual intent of Senator Zane's legislation into a total repeal 
of the original gun ban - and a scenario in which New Jersey residents and 
police would be once again at the mercy of machinegun carrying criminals and 
drug gangs.

The Democratic legislature delayed in posting an override vote for months -
claiming insufficient votes for passage.  Firearms owners did not pressure
legislators to act.  By late summer, legislators finally abandoned Senator
Zane's legislation.  At this time, Second Amendment organizations were
anticipating a significant loss in Democratic power come November, and
quietly lobbied for the bill's failure.  Ultimately, S.3140 was never posted 
for an override vote.

Whether Governor Florio used Democratic legislators to entice NRA and the
Coalition of New Jersey Sportsmen with legislation that was never ever
intended to pass is debatable.  The promise of temporary legislative relief 
in the form of a grandfather bill, however, did provide nine months of high 
profile media coverage for Governor Florio, and prompt the withdrawal of a
Constitutional challenge to S.166.  

Nevertheless, the failure of the override and Coalition's constitutional 
challenge were both publicized by the Governor as major victories over NRA 
and the "powerful gun lobby".

                                       
                         FLORIO & GORMLEY - DEAL # 2
                                       
During the June 1991 primary elections, firearms owners grasped the 
opportunity to strike back at Republican Senator Bill Gormley for providing 
the key vote in passing Governor Florio's "Assault Weapons" legislation.  With 
the assistance of NRA and state and local Second Amendment organizations,
firearms owners quickly developed the necessary support base for a challenge
by an unknown Republican Senate candidate.  At the same time, Republicans
leaders, embarrassed by Senator Gormley's close working relationship with
Governor Florio, were quietly organizing his legislative defeat.  Among 
various efforts, $73,000 in Republican campaign contributions, originally 
designated for use against Democratic candidates elsewhere in the state, 
were secretly redirected to the campaign of Gormley's unknown Republican 
challenger.  

While Senator Gormley proudly advertised his supportive vote on the "Assault
Weapons" issue, firearms owners attacked his unilateral support of the
Governor's high tax and spending programs, and rallied in support of his
opponent.  Protocol prevented much of Senator Gormley's corrupt business
and political dealings from being bought out against him by the Republican
challenger during the primary - except for some charges relating to the high
incidence of campaign contributions originating from contractors working in
Gormley's Atlantic City Senate district.  

After months of bitter campaigning, Senator Gormley, a "rising star" in the
Republican Party, who had placed in the 1989 Republican Gubernatorial primary, 
and who had been regarded a top contender for the 1993 GOP nomination for 
Governor, won his Senate Republican primary by a mere 800 VOTES.  It was a 
resounding defeat in terms of political standing; virtually eliminating any 
hope of further advancement within the Republican Party, and ending his 
Gubernatorial aspirations for 1993.  

To add to the misery and embarrassment of the near loss of his Senate seat,
William Gormley's wife, Virginia, had become aware of his extramarital
relationship.  Personal checks, sent by Senator Gormley to his girlfriend in
order to bridge the difference between her legislative salary and the lower
paying position within the Sewer Authority, were discovered.  In addition,
Virginia Gormley would also catch her husband and his girlfriend during one of
their romantic encounters.  From the intense personal trauma that ensued,
political observers on both sides totally discounted any political future for
Senator William Gormley.

The events of the June primary presented new opportunities for Senator Gormley 
and Governor Florio to each prop up their failing positions.  The Governor was 
free falling in the polls and in full anticipation of a Democratic rout in the 
upcoming November elections.  Senator Gormley was in serious trouble as well.

Senator Gormley had been long recognized as a notoriously bad campaign fund 
raiser - even though he had enjoyed substantial contributions from the many 
construction contracts awarded in his Atlantic City Casino district.  His
failure to raise appropriate campaign funds for the June primary was a
contributing factor to his near loss.  Governor Florio recognized Gormley's
situation and offered a solution.

Governor Florio clearly needed some major initiatives and major victories over
the next two years.  Interestingly enough, some political insiders and 
advisors had indicated Governor Florio's interest to see a Republican 
controlled legislature by which he could attack and assign political blame 
during his last two years in office.  Aside from providing a convenient 
target, a Republican controlled legislature would also provide a secondary 
benefit by limiting the power of the current Senate President, John Lynch - 
rumored as a likely Democratic Gubernatorial challenger in 1993.

In order to firm up his political position, representatives of Governor Florio 
met with Senator Gormley on numerous occasions during mid-summer of 1991; 
eventually negotiating a new agreement which would benefit both sides
tremendously.

Governor Florio had made a commitment to develop an Atlantic City Convention 
Center in return for Senator Gormley's vote on the "Assault Weapons" 
legislation the year prior.  Aside from sporadic comments from the Governor's 
office, however, no formal initiative had been made to introduce any such 
project.  Senator Gormley desperately needed the accompanying volume of 
campaign contributions for which a project of such size, an estimated $230 
million dollars, would originate.  In addition to formal campaign 
contributions, the volume of new jobs, patronage positions, and cash kickbacks 
would allow him the opportunity to revitalize his political career.

More of an immediate need, Senator Gormley lacked the campaign funding to
succeed in what was expected to be an extremely close race for his Senate
seat.  Gormley's Democratic challenger, having expressed concern over the
civil violations of S.166, was gaining the support of the same South Jersey
firearms owners which almost defeated him in the primary.

Governor Florio had almost unlimited funds available from the Democratic
State Committee but desperately needed more political power.  By controlling
the Casino Control Commission (CCC) and Casino Reinvestment Development
Authority (CRDA), he would be able to solidify his South Jersey support base. 
Control over both commissions would provide not only a significant number of
appointments and contracts to deal out, it would provide the Governor a
prescience within the Atlantic City political machine.  Ultimately, both 
Governor Florio and Senator Gormley received exactly what they needed.

The state's Democratic Party began sending Senator Gormley financial support
at virtually the same time it pulled all cash financing and election campaign
support away from their own Democratic challenger.  Democratic election
contributions were re-directed into Senator Gormley's campaign from various
sources - including various medical PACs. Numerous Democratic supporters
switched their support to Republican Senator Gormley.  Longtime Atlantic City
Democratic fundraiser, Alan Kligerman, alone donated $70,000 to Senator
Gormley at the request Governor Florio's former chief of staff,  Steven 
Perskie. 

Steven Perskie had been appointed to the Casino Control Commission by the
Governor in order free the appointment of Chief Of Staff for his long time 
friend and business partner, Joe Salema.  Salema had been purposely kept 
hidden away from the political spotlight during the entire 1989 Gubernatorial 
campaign due to publicly raised questions regarding numerous accusations of 
unethical activity, but was finally moved into the Governor's cabinet a year 
after the election.  Former CCC Chairwoman, Valerie Armstrong, received the
Governor's appointment to the bench in order to open the CCC appointment
for Perskie.  

Fearing an altercation with Senate President Lynch as well as the loss of
Gormley's re-election bid should the Republican legislator's acceptance of
Democratic support become known, Governor Florio directed future campaign
contributions routed through the office of Senator Donald DiFrancesco.  
Senator DiFrancesco, a long time friend to Gormley, was already aligning
political support to take over the Senate Presidency if Republicans took 
control of the Senate as expected.

Senator Gormley upheld his part of their agreement by providing the Governor
the political backing necessary to move his supporters into critical Atlantic 
City boards and top appointments.  Controlling any new construction projects, 
the Governor would be able to win back the support of organized labor; which 
he had severely angered in attempting to reduce worker benefits the year 
before.  The success of Senator Gormley in the November election would also 
provide the Governor with a Republican he could easily control and influence.  
Within the next few months, Governor Florio would assume almost complete 
control of the Atlantic City political machine.


                            DEMOCRATIC CATASTROPHE

The November 1991 elections proved the most devastating defeat for New Jersey 
Democrats in 25 years.  Both the Assembly and Senate fell to veto proof 
Republican majorities.  Following 18 months of almost dictatorial rule, 
Governor Florio was humiliated by the loss of not only his power, but the 
defeat of some of New Jersey's most entrenched and influential Democratic
legislators and power brokers.  

New Jersey gun owners played a significant part in the victory and were 
proudly credited much of the success starting at the Republican headquarters
victory party the night of the election.  Neither Democrats nor Republicans
would PUBLICLY recognize, however, the critical role firearms owners played
in the massive losses dealt the Democratic Party and the symbolic defeat dealt 
Governor Florio.  The single victory for the Governor was the unexpected 
re-election of Senator Gormley - again barely surviving a brutal opposition 
campaign waged by NRA and the state's Second Amendment organizations.

With the Zane bill a non-issue, firearms owners relaxed and waited for the
Republican legislature to take control in January of 1992.  No written or oral
agreement had been exchanged between Republicans and  supporters of the "Right 
to Keep and Bear Arms" prior to the 1991 elections.  However, based upon the 
well recognized fact that the "Assault Weapons" legislation passed solely due 
to Governor Florio's widespread political corruption and his strongarm 
manipulation of the Democratic majority, it was not unreasonable to envision 
the success of a full repeal at the hands of those legislators they helped 
place in power. 

                                       
                          FLORIO & GORMLEY - DEAL # 3

Three days before the newly elected legislature was to take office, Governor
Florio's Democratic lame-duck legislature rushed through a seemingly innocent
piece of legislation to provide bond funding to the nearly bankrupt New Jersey
Sports and Exposition authority - an authority established 20 years before in
order to operate the Meadowlands Arena/Giants Stadium sports complex.  In
truth, the primary purpose of the bill was to provide financing for the
construction of Senator Gormley's Atlantic City Convention Center in the form
of $418 million in state guaranteed bonds.  By design, no upper bond limit was
set in the legislation, nor would taxpayers have any future control over the
activities and funding proposals of the Authority.

Senator Gormley's arguments favoring the legislation made during the 
post-midnight debate was the promised 6,000 construction jobs and the $48 
million in revenue the convention center would bring into the Atlantic City 
area each year - this based upon a commissioned study by Laventhol & Horwath.  
It would be later proven that construction jobs would number under 2,000, and
that the Sports and Exposition Authority would reap no revenue whatsoever. 
Senator Gormley had concealed the fact that the consulting firm hired to
research the benefits and financial return of the Convention Center project 
had since declared bankruptcy after being sued by over 100 of their former 
clients.  The charges levied against Laventhol & Horwath: Negligence in 
supplying faulty, incorrect and poorly developed planning figures. 

The bond issue, however, had developed into a huge political grab-bag by the
time it reached a vote, with both Democrats and Republicans adding millions
of dollars of additional special interest "pork barrel" projects in return for 
their votes.  Among the many additional beneficiaries, Rutgers University,
represented by Senate President John Lynch, received a $28 million grant to
enlarge their football stadium - a stadium which had only been filled to 
capacity twice in its entire history.  A miscellaneous $50 million would be 
spent to rehabilitate undesignated properties around the new Convention 
Center.  In addition, Seton Hall University, represented by Senator Richard 
Cody, would benefit from $5 million in repair funds.  

Questions were raised over why a privately funded university like Seton Hall
would receive state funds allocated for property repair, to which Senator 
Cody, the primary supporter of the grant and a participant in Seton Hall's 
basketball program offered the answer: "So What?".  

Although significant concern was raised by a few Republicans, debate was
halted and the bill was passed 26 minutes after midnight - far from the view 
of the media and the New Jersey public.  Senator DiFrancesco supported the 
legislation in order to assist Senator Gormley, as well as to build support 
for his Senate Presidency.  What would later be called Governor Florio's 
"Midnight Raid on the State Treasury" provided Senator Gormley with unlimited
campaign funding, patronage positions and cash.  It also provided Governor
Florio with incredible new power.

Within months, Governor Florio would take complete control of Atlantic City 
by moving long time cronies and political supporters into top positions at the 
agencies and commissions in charge of not only $300 million in immediate 
development money, but $90 million in related projects as well.  Governor 
Florio's chief of staff, Joe Salema, chief counsel Robert DeCottis, and 
political fundraiser Lewis Katz, would together control all contracts and 
negotiations.  The Governor would quickly oust existing Sports and Exposition 
Authority Chairman Peter Levine for refusing to pressure contractors for 
political contributions (a charge Levine would make public), and replace him 
with Jerome Goodman, a strong political fundraiser and business partner of 
Katz.  Kurt Shadle, deputy finance director to the Governors 1989 campaign and 
unofficial patronage chief was named as manager overseeing the Convention
Center project.

Control over the lucrative $400 million in state bonds would be appropriately
handled through Governor Florio's treasurer, Sam Crane.  Construction 
contracts were divided among those firms contributing to the Governor's 1989
campaign.  Associates of Joe Salema received contracts to oversee the 
construction progress as "project managers".  Through almost total control of
the largest state construction project, Governor Florio was able to secure 
himself a percentage of the construction kickbacks from the $400 million in
development money as well; funds which would be used to drive his 1993 
re-election effort.

One South Jersey Democratic legislator described Governor Florio's position
as, "An unbelievable amount of power.  The Gambino (crime family) would envy 
this situation".  Yet again, the organized media ignored the entire story.
Within a short time, a tug of war developed between Senator Gormley and 
Governor Florio over control of the critical construction contracts.  Once 
the critical players of the New Jersey Sports and Exposition Authority were 
in place, the Governor decided to keep control of the most lucrative contracts 
for himself, infuriating Gormley, and prompting him to virtually stop 
development.  It would require Governor Florio's Chief of Staff, Joe Salema, 
and Secretary of State, Daniel Dalton, to intervene the dispute and reassign 
control over an acceptable volume of contracts to Senator Gormley in order to 
finally move the project forward.


                            THE REPUBLICAN REPEAL 

In the spring of 1992, Republican Senator John Matheussen introduced a de 
facto repeal of the "Assault Weapons" legislation in the form of Senate Bill 
#S.700.  Whereas Governor Florio's legislation reclassified semi-automatic
weapons as machineguns, Matheussen's legislation would amend their definition 
back to the proper category of semi-automatic firearms.  True "Assault 
Weapons" would still be restricted to the New Jersey public as they had always 
been.  In addition, S.700 eliminated all objectionable components of the 
original bill such as the ban on large capacity magazines and strict civil 
liability.   

Governor Florio immediately began another campaign opposing the legislation. 
Unlike the previous year, however, there was a very strong possibility this
repeal would succeed.  Already, Republicans had dismantled other pieces of
legislation enacted by the Governor, and they had done do by easily overriding
his veto. 

Immediately, the media attacked the Republican legislation with vengeance. 
In a virtual repeat of the previous two years, the media flooded newsprint and
television with the scenario of roving bands of drug kingpins, 
indiscriminately blasting away at each other with their newly purchased 
"Assault Weapons" while police and innocent residents were mowed down in the 
crossfire.  Governor Florio could be regularly found giving speeches at the 
hospital beds of gunshot victims on the 7:00 O'clock news.

Using the full resources of his administration, Governor Florio both directly 
and indirectly influenced public figures throughout the state.  In an official 
request mailed to all police officers and firemen throughout New Jersey, the 
Governor reminded them of the significant changes he had approved for low cost
mortgages and other pension benefits; asking support of his "Assault Weapons" 
legislation in return.  Every police chief received the Governor's personal 
request to oppose the bill.  Hundreds of thousands of letters to individual 
residents and state workers were mailed asking support.  A similar letter was 
sent by the N.J. Health Department to all doctors as well as hospital and 
health administrators in the state.  Churches and synagogues received official 
letters from the Governor requesting their congregations to actively oppose 
the Republican repeal effort.  

The Department of Human Services spent $700,000 to publish a statewide
newsletter promoting the Governor's position.  Every city administrator
throughout the state received a personal letter from the Governor requesting
their support in opposing the repeal bill and the NRA.  Stephanie Bush,
Governor Florio's Commissioner of Consumer Affairs, sent a letter to every
New Jersey mayor, threatening that future state grants would be held back if
they did not contact their legislators and support Governor Florio's position
against the repeal legislation.  Personal calls followed in order to clarify 
the Governor's intention.   

Hundreds of thousands of tax dollars were spent addressing womens' groups
as well as any identifiable special interest that might have a potential 
voice.

The Republican legislature had sponsored legislation to prevent the Governor
from using taxpayer money to oppose the repeal bill as well as his similar
attempt to improve his image by promising larger homeowner property rebate
checks - though no legislative action was ever taken.

Unquestionably the Governor's most disgraceful exploitation of a tragedy in
support of his "Assault Weapons" legislation occurred in his attempt to link 
the February bombing of the World Trade Center with New Jersey's firearms 
owners.  Following the deaths of five innocent individuals and the injury of 
one thousand others, Governor Florio would use daily press conferences to call 
for stronger "gun control" laws.  Ignoring the fact that an international 
terror group, using commonly available household chemicals was responsible 
for the extraordinary attack, Governor Florio would in fact state during a 
live nationwide news briefing, "We're going to have to start thinking about
things like access to weapons and explosives and guns with a more focused 
attention".  

Again, Governor Florio's abominable manipulation of public fear and sorrow
was completely ignored by the mass media. 

Despite the massive publicity generated in opposition to the bill, the 
Assembly, with the aid of some Democrats, passed S.700 by a veto proof margin.  
Senate action, however, was less enthusiastic.  

Governor Florio recognized he was having an effect with his publicity campaign 
as soon as key Republican leaders in the Senate and Assembly demanded a 
revision in the legislation to exclude UZI and AK-47 firearms.  Such actions 
decreased the support of some firearms owners for the bill, but did not stop 
demand by firearms owners for passage of the repeal.  By July, a revised bill 
excluding the two specified guns had been passed in both houses of the 
legislature.  The Governor would veto it 45 days later, taking maximum 
advantage of that time to continue his opposition campaign.

Support of the legislation was by no means unified within Republican ranks. 
Senator Gormley would never upset his cash machine by opposing the Governor; 
a few Republicans were opposed simply due to their steadfast opposition to 
private firearms ownership in general.  What was understood by both sides was 
that an override vote would be extremely close, and that no attempt would be 
made unless the votes were firmly in place.

For the next four months, the only issue addressed by the Governor's office 
would be the opposition to the "Assault Weapons" repeal.  Republicans had 
found themselves in a situation they desperately wanted to escape without
angering the firearms owners whom had placed them in power.  Yet they were
backed into their position with nowhere to turn and not enough commitment
and/or strength in character to end the debate by overriding the Governor.

Governor Florio's ironclad control over the media made any argument in support 
of the "Assault Weapons" repeal virtually impossible; having effectively 
lobbied newspaper and television stations to refuse all advertisements 
supporting or even explaining the proposed "repeal" legislation.  As they had 
done over the past few years, the media typically ignored all information 
presented to them regarding the true facts surrounding the issue.

As firearms owners and lobbyists increased the number of phone calls and 
letters to their representatives in Trenton, Governor Florio looked for 
further opportunities to manipulate Republican votes.  He found his first 
opportunity in Republican Assemblyman Robert Martin.

Assemblyman Martin had originally voted for the repeal bill although his
convictions on the issue were only moderate.  While a State Legislator, he 
was primarily employed as an administrator at Seton Hall Law School, and had
relinquished a law practice to create a new teaching department there. 
Assemblyman Martin's position at Seton Hall was not tenured.  

Using this knowledge, Governor Florio directed a meeting between his agents
and the Associate Dean of the Seton Hall Law School for the purpose of 
changing Martin's vote. 

Governor Florio's refinancing of the Sports and Exposition Authority six 
months earlier had included a $5 million dollar grant for various projects 
at Seton Hall - courtesy of Senator Cody.  Through his negotiators, Governor 
Florio threatened to withdraw Seton Hall's state's grant unless Assemblyman 
Martin was persuaded to drop his support of the "Assault Weapons" repeal 
legislation.  As a result, Seton Hall's Associate Dean, Wilfredo Caraballo, 
met with various faculty associates of Assemblyman Martin, who subsequently 
relayed the threat.  In addition to loosing a significant amount of money for 
the university, Martin was informed that his non-tenured position would be 
terminated unless he agreed to the Governor's demands.  Martin quickly 
complied.

Shortly thereafter, Assemblyman Martin called a major press conference;
crediting himself as the first Republican legislator to recognize the extreme
threat such weapons posed to the public.  Behind a table full of threatening
looking machineguns, courtesy of the New Jersey State Police, Assemblyman 
Martin called on other Republican Legislators to oppose the interests of the
NRA, and to vote their conscience against the repeal.  The spectacle of the
press conference, props, timing and words were scripted directly from the
Governor's office.  

Numerous procedural delays placed a vote on the "Assault Weapon" repeal too
close to the November 1992 Presidential election for any action.  Having 
observed nine months of political wavering, desertion and inaction on the
repeal, firearms owners across the state were growing impatient of the 
Republican leadership they had elected.  Statewide efforts to support 
President Bush and other Republican candidates for Congress began collapsing 
as soon as it became evident the New Jersey Republican legislature was not 
going to pass the repeal.  President Bush was, himself, under heavy criticism 
for banning the importation of similar firearms four years earlier, and of 
his newly promised support of the Brady Bill and a national "Assault Weapon" 
ban.

As a result, New Jersey firearms owners did not participate to any significant
degree in the 1992 elections.  Governor Florio's actions in holding up the
repeal would later be credited as a significant factor in President Bush's 
narrow defeat, as well as the election of a Democratic New Jersey Congress.  
It was a 180 degree turnaround from the results of the elections only a year 
before. 

The relentless media attention generated by the daily attacks from the 
Governor's office and the media held back any attempt for an override vote for
the next six months.  However, in March of 1993, the New Jersey Assembly voted 
to override the Governor's veto; sending shock waves through the Governor's 
office that his most valued piece of legislation would soon be reversed.

Once again, the Governors public relations office moved into high gear against
the expected Senate override vote.  In addition to its usual opposition, the
media began running editorials and even prime time news stories predicting the 
upcoming bloodbath on New Jersey's streets.  The Governor's cabinet was again 
directed to distribute supportive mailings through their respective offices.

The Attorney General's office sent a 14 page set of sample questions and
answers to every police chief in the state, asking them to use the scripted
arguments when contacting their local Senators, and in making public 
statements to the media.  Entitled "Assault Weapons Arguments and Responses", 
it's introductory page most significantly began with the line, "1. This isn't 
about fighting crime.  It's about paying off a campaign debt to the NRA."  

Assemblyman Martin's turnaround was critically important due to the resulting
outpouring of praise he received from the media.  Such instant notoriety for a
previously unknown and low level political figure was quickly recognized by
other members of the Senate.  Republicans in heavily Republican districts knew 
they had little to fear from angry gun owners in any upcoming election should 
they change their vote.  On the other hand, a change in position would provide 
invaluable media exposure and praise for which no amount of money could buy.  
As a result, two Senators changed their votes; a few others made statements 
suggesting they might reconsider their decisions to support the legislation.  
                                                                            

                       BLACKMAILING THE SENATE PRESIDENT
                                       
Aside from the public campaign opposing the Senate override, Governor Florio
had found another approach which was far more likely to stop the "Assault
Weapons" repeal bill from passing.

Senate President Donald DiFrancesco was a partner in the law firm of Butler,
Hooley, DiFrancesco & Kelly.  Among their clients were two women, Baldasarre 
and Neumann, whom they had represented in previous legal matters and whom had 
years before inherited a 40.5 acre tract of land.  Senator DiFrancesco's law 
firm was frequently called upon to review unsolicited offers to purchase the 
property by land developers - and during 1986 and 1987, had reviewed numerous 
contracts by various land developers; rejecting all offers for a variety of 
reasons.

In early February of 1987, Senator DiFrancesco's law partner, William Butler
introduced Senator DiFrancesco's brother, Paul DiFrancesco, to the owners of
the property with an offer to purchase the 40.5 acre tract.  The 
recommendation of Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco and Kelly to Baldasarre and 
Neumann was to accept the offer.  Represented by his brother's law firm, Paul 
DiFrancesco entered into an agreement to purchase the property on February 12, 
1987 for a price of $1,980,000.00; contingent upon sub-division approval 
within six months.  

On April 9, 1987, Paul DiFrancesco entered a written agreement to sell the
property to Messano Construction at a price of $3,600,000 with a 
confidentiality clause prohibiting advertisement of the property by Messano 
prior to the closing of the sale with Baldasarre and Neumann.  Messano 
Construction had previously submitted a bid on the Baldasarre and Neumann 
property back in 1986 which, under advisement of Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco 
and Kelly, the owners refused.

Senator DiFrancesco's law firm handled the transaction representing both
seller and purchaser - the purchaser being his brother Paul; never disclosing
to Baldasarre and Neumann the existence of the property assignment to Messano 
Construction.  

Following the six month period of time in which Paul DiFrancesco was unable
to receive the required sub-division approval, Baldasarre and Neumann were
advised to grant another extension of time by Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco and
Kelly.  At the time, Baldasarre and Neumann attempted to solicit new offers 
on the property since property values were rapidly escalating, but followed 
the strong recommendations of Senator DiFrancesco's law firm to grant an 
extension at the agreed upon price to Paul DiFrancesco.  Questions by 
Baldasarre and Newmann directed to Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco and Kelly 
regarding any other assignments by Paul DiFrancesco on the property were 
repudiated.

Upon confirmation that the property was assigned to Messano Construction, and 
that Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco and Kelly would represent Paul DiFrancesco 
in that sale as well, Baldasarre and Neumann filed suit against Butler, 
Hooley, DiFrancesco and Kelly in March of 1988 seeking rescission of 
agreement, compensatory and punitive damages.

Incredibly, a July 3, 1990 decision of the trial court found no fault in the
handling of the property sale by Senator DiFrancesco's law firm, and awarded
$1,530,000 in punitive damages AGAINST Baldasarre and Neumann for attempting 
to rescind their sale agreement.  (Speculation by many is that legislative 
influence from Senator DiFrancesco played some part the lower trial court 
decision.)

The case was appealed by Baldasarre and Neumann and reversed.  In their
decision on the appeal, The Superior Court, Appellate Division held that:

        (1) "Attorney engaged in conflict of interest by 
        representing both vendor and purchaser";  

        (2)  "Attorney committed both legal and ethical 
        fraud in failing to reveal existence of agreement 
        under which purchaser was to assign interest":
     
Senator DiFrancesco's law firm appealed the decision to the New Jersey
Supreme Court, which upheld the lower court decision in an unanimous
decision dated March 11, 1993.

The decision of the New Jersey Supreme Court upholding the lower court
finding of fraud against Butler, Hooley, DiFrancesco & Kelly provided Governor
Florio with the opportunity to destroy Senate President DiFrancesco at will.  
It would take no more than a phone call to the Attorney General to disbar 
Donald DiFrancesco and destroy his political career.

In addition to blackmailing the Senate President, two significant other 
actions would also benefit the Governor's chances of thwarting the Senate 
override.

Senator Raymond Lesniak, Chairman of the Democratic State Committee,
would spend $750,000 in Democratic funds on a direct mailing campaign to
those Republican Senators which previously showed a softening of position on
the override vote.  The mailings, custom prepared for each district and
addressed with postage paid return postcards to each Senator, featured an
UZI pointing toward the recipient with the caption, "Coming Soon To Your
Neighborhood".  Following the argument repeated thousands of times over the
past three years, an inside sub heading read, "Don't Let Politicians Put 
Assault Weapons Back On Our Streets!", and featured a menacing picture of a 
MAC-11 for effect.

In addition to the impact of the mailing by the Democratic State Committee,
Governor Florio had also met with Republican Senator Louis Bassano and offered 
him a position on the Casino Control Commission.  In return, Bassano would 
turn his vote against the repeal bill.

A few days prior to the scheduled veto override vote, Senate President
DiFrancesco called a major press conference to announce he would not vote
for nor support the override of Governor Florio's veto - citing his personal
concern for "Assault Weapons" in public hands.  His meeting with the Governor 
only a few days before had left no doubt that a Senate override of his veto 
would unquestionably bring about an Attorney General investigation into the 
fraud and conflict of interest charges relating to Baldasarre vs. Butler. 

Senator Bennett, Ewing and a few other Republican Senators influenced by the
Democratic mailing joined the Senate President in publicly stating they would
vote against the repeal.  


                                       
                        THE OVERRIDE  OF THE GOVERNOR'S
                                VETO WAS DEAD.  



To put the issue finally to rest, a formal override vote was taken during 
which a large number of Republican Senators agreed to vote no - a well worked 
out agreement; thus preventing the resources of NRA and New Jersey's firearms
owners from opposing a select few Republicans in the upcoming elections.  The 
remaining Republicans abstained.  Not one Senate vote, Republican or Democrat, 
was cast in favor of overriding the Governors veto; providing the greatest 
legislative triumph for the Governor Florio in his three years in power.

As a result of four years of wide ranging forms of criminal activity within
Governor Florio's administration, New Jersey's "Assault Weapons" legislation
stands as the most restrictive "gun control" legislation in the United States.  
It is cited nationwide as an example of legislative foresight and courage.  
Few individuals outside the New Jersey political arena, however, have the  
slightest understanding as to the extent of time, money and illegal activity 
which have been used to force this legislation into place. 

      







                                       
                                    TODAY,
                                 NEW JERSEY'S 
                               "ASSAULT WEAPONS" 
                                  LEGISLATION 
                                    IS THE 
                              SOLE ACCOMPLISHMENT 
                                   TO WHICH 
                                GOVERNOR FLORIO 
                                 CAN POINT TO 
                                  DURING HIS 
                             FOUR YEARS IN OFFICE.
                                                     
                                                     










                         
                         SO, WHO LOST UNDER S.166?

There are far greater consequences to New Jersey's Assault Weapons ban than 
the difficulties it has forced on the firearms owners it affected.  This
legislation has negatively impacted every group of individuals involved in the
controversy - even "gun control" proponents themselves.


Firearms Owners         
                    Obviously, firearms owners have lost the most.  Over two 
MILLION law-abiding citizens have lost their Second, Fifth, Ninth and 
Fourteenth Amendment rights; a growing number are losing their property, 
financial security and personal freedom.  Anywhere between 300,000 and 500,000 
New Jersey residents have been technically turned into felons due to this 
legislation.  Over one hundred indictments have been handed down.

For 25 years, New Jersey firearms owners have complied with what is agreed by 
all to be the most stringent and restrictive firearms licensing procedures in
the entire United States.  They were told that by following the State's
requirements they could lawfully own and use the firearms of their choice. 
They were told that registration of their firearms would never be used against
them to track down their purchases.  They were told there would be no need
for any further "gun controls". 
 
                           
                           THEY WERE TOLD THEIR GUNS
                           WOULD NEVER BE TAKEN AWAY!


For 25 years, New Jersey firearms owners have complied with often outrageous 
government restrictions and have maintained an exemplary record of responsible 
firearms ownership - only to learn the extent of the treachery their own 
government would ultimately undertake in eliminating their rights and 
freedoms.   

The true magnitude of Governor Florio's legislation is still unknown.  State
Police officially estimate the number of privately owned Ak-47, UZI, Tec-9,
MAC or AR-15 type firearms, (firearms most individuals associate with the term
"Assault Weapon") at approximately 300,000.  The New Jersey Attorney General 
has the authority to add additional firearms to the banned list at any time.  

Surprisingly, hundreds of thousands of firearms owners still do not realize or
simply cannot believe the fact that most .22 cal. semi-automatic target and 
boy scout rifles as well as many semi-automatic trap and skeet guns are 
included within New Jersey's newly revised definition of "Assault Weapon".  
Recognizing the total number of gun owners in this state, and the fact that
semi-auto .22 rifles or 12ga. shotguns are by far the most common types of
firearms purchased, one may reasonably estimate another 500,000 weapons of 
this category are now also illegal; subjecting their owners to the same harsh
prison sentences and heavy fines if caught.

A conservative estimated market value of the weapons in question ranges
between $300 million and $450 million dollars.  Legislators briefly considered
offering payment for the firearms they were requiring New Jersey residents to
surrender, but discontinued the proposal as soon as it was estimated the
amount of state funds such a purchase would require.  Adding to the violation
of their Second Amendment rights is the state's violation of their Fifth and
Seventh Amendment rights as well - seizing their personal property without
compensation or due process of law.  

New Jersey's firearms owners continue to show nothing but absolute contempt
for Governor Florio's firearms law - with virtually zero percent of the owners 
of such firearms turning them over to the state as required.  Olympic and
competitive shooters, permitted to register and retain the use of 4 specific
models of rifles for competitive purposes, remain the only group of firearms
owner to even partially comply with this legislation.   

Firearms owners are well aware that they may receive a knock on their door,
or in fact, have their door kicked in at any time by the exact same local 
police departments which granted the permits to buy their firearms only a few 
years before.  Many firearms owners fully expect that scenario to occur and 
have prepared for that probability.

Tens of thousands of weapons are now hidden across New Jersey. Others have 
been shipped out of state.  Whereas four years ago most firearms would 
normally have been tightly secured in locked closets or gun safes, they are
now distributed to less identifiable though far less secure hiding places. 
Firearms protected from rust and sealed against the elements in 10" PVC
plastic pipes and surplus ammunition storage containers are literally buried 
in thousands of back yards and vacant lots throughout New Jersey.  

For decades, the most steadfast opponents of "gun control" have predicted that 
government would inevitably violate the U.S. Constitution, ban the possession 
of firearms, and use registration lists to seize those guns already in private 
possession.  That frightening scenario is today reality for over TWO MILLION 
residents, in what is increasingly being referred to as the "Peoples Republic 
of New Jersey". 


Governor Florio
                    This investigative report exposing Governor Florio's 
corrupt administration could not be more appropriately entitled FLORIOGATE. 
Governor Florio violated his oath to the Governor's office and the trust of 
the citizens of this state.  He has committed fraud, conspiracy, blackmail, 
and bribery on a scale far exceeding any other known political scandal.  His 
primary benefit was obviously the re-direction of the media's interest away 
from the controversy of his many political problems and corruption scandals.  
His secondary benefit was that, by thwarting the Republican repeal attempt, he 
was also able to destroy the traditional support held by firearms owners for 
the Republican party - a tremendous benefit for Democrats in both the 1992 
and 1993 elections.  Following a landslide Republican victory in November of 
1991, it is generally agreed that George Bush's support of Federal level "gun
controls", combined with the New Jersey Republican legislature's failure to 
act on their promise to repeal S.166, caused the loss of this state to Bill 
Clinton by a mere 2 percent.

Governor Florio's actions, as well as the actions of those legislators whom
conspired with him, have not only made a mockery of our legislative, 
political, and judicial systems, but they have sent the message to other 
local, state and federal legislators that the issue of "gun control" can be 
used to barter votes and political influence in exchange for significant 
financial profit.  

Similar allegations of political corruption exist in New York, Virginia, 
California, Maryland and elsewhere - the common denominator being a trade of 
political favors, jobs, public contracts, etc. for restrictive legislation 
regulating private firearms ownership.  History has shown other strong 
supporters of "gun control" legislation - Kennedy, Metzenbaum, Biaggi, 
Schumer, DeConcini, Torricelli, Clinton, etc. to all have backgrounds in some 
form of scandal - whether it be legislative, personal, business, sexual or 
financial. 

As the results of the past election have shown, Governor Florio's use of the 
firearms issue was UNSUCCESSFUL in promoting him to a second term.   Governor 
Florio vigorously pursued his attack upon firearms owners as the number one 
theme to his re-election campaign; championing the media portrait of himself, 
alone, against the immeasurable forces of the NRA.  Although presented with 
the facts, the media would never report that the only contestant to the 1993 
Governor's race receiving a NRA endorsement and funding was Jim Florio during 
his unsuccessful Gubernatorial challenge some 12 years earlier.


Government
               The examples of political corruption cited in this report are 
generally known and easily verifiable; as very few members of New Jersey's 
legislative body are unaware of the private negotiations made by their fellow 
legislators.  Throughout the entire four year period in which this legislation 
has been debated, the exact same charges of wrongdoing have been repeatedly 
disclosed to the press and news media through various sources.  Yet, no action 
was ever taken; no interest even expressed.

With the involvement of both high ranking Democrats and Republicans in this
statewide scandal, even the most fervent legislative supporters of the Second
Amendment have remained silent - as much due to professional courtesy as the 
fact that exposing the truth would mean certain political suicide.  The
National Rifle Association, considered by many as the foremost opponent to
New Jersey's "Assault Weapons" legislation, similarly placed respect for the
political system, allegiance to the Republican Party, and fear of further 
political reprisal ahead of their obligation to publicize the truth. 

Though viewed as a tremendous success against the NRA and the "gun lobby", 
this "Assault Weapons" legislation continues to stand as a legislative 
embarrassment to the former Governor due to virtually non-existent compliance.  
Almost all arrests to date have been made during roadblocks, DWI checkpoints, 
anonymous tips and through circumstances in which police have been called into 
a home.  Full implementation of this legislation, however, is planned, and 
will result in thousands of future arrests.   

For political figures across the United States, the most significant 
consequence of Governor Florio's "Assault Weapons" legislation will be the 
added attention supporters of "gun control" proposals will now attract.  The 
sheer magnitude of Governor Florio's fraud and manipulation in supporting this 
issue, fueled in a large part by his corrupt dealings, greed and lust for 
power has highlighted many inescapable realities, such as:

            Unlike past decades, in which legislative issues were 
        openly debated in public forum, all significant legislative 
        negotiations surrounding this issue were moved by Governor 
        Florio behind closed doors and away from public view.     

            Governor Florio's actions proved that even the most 
        compelling facts and arguments presented through hundreds of 
        thousands of phone calls, letters and FAX's are worthless in 
        influencing the decision of any legislator whose vote is based 
        solely on the fear of blackmail, or on personal profit.  

            As a result of the inability to communicate with New 
        Jersey's legislators, new political strategies have evolved; 
        redirecting the activities of firearms owners into areas where 
        they can more effectively influence a legislator's political 
        career.

            The dollar amount of public funds which can be easily 
        moved and manipulated by legislators is simply staggering.  
        Whether it be government contracts, legal work, the issuance 
        and handling of bonds, construction jobs, appointments, 
        consulting contracts, or individual positions, some percentage 
        of the revenue moved through a legislator's district can 
        easily be routed in directions which will influence the actions 
        of others and/or result in some form of personal benefit.  The 
        manipulation of public funds represent the primary source of 
        legislative influence peddling. 

            Skyrocketing election costs, often as much as 100 times 
        the combined salary and benefits of the legislative position 
        itself, certainly suggest there are secondary financial 
        reasons why individuals seek public office.  For a growing 
        number of political figures, an elected position is viewed 
        as nothing more than a passkey to the public treasury.  Once 
        such an ulterior interest is established, that particular 
        legislator ceases to represent the public interest, and is 
        instead under the dictate of whomever controls the flow of 
        money and financing.

            American media outlets exist solely as a political 
        mouthpiece and propaganda tool.  They have proven their 
        commitment to lie, manipulate, and distort any issue in 
        order to support their position or the position of an 
        outside controlling force.  That position is unlikely 
        to change.

            The issue of "gun control" will continue to be used 
        as a means to draw public attention away from other issues 
        and political activities as long as the media continues to 
        contribute its enormous volume of free publicity and biased 
        news reporting.  Politicians are exploiting, and will 
        continue to exploit, the fact that a call for "gun control" 
        reaps unlimited praise and free publicity for as long as 
        the issue is kept alive.

            Governor Florio took away a significant amount of time 
        previously expended by firearms owners in pursuit of the 
        shooting sports; consequently freeing immeasurable time and 
        energy to pursue other activities.  Many firearms owners are 
        using this time to investigate and publicize the less publicly 
        known activities of specific political figures.

            From initiatives already proven successful in California 
        and New Jersey, firearms owners are now actively publicizing 
        the obvious link between "gun control" and political corruption.  
        Having destroyed the career of the Assembly author of their 
        "Assault Weapons" law, Mike Roos, firearms owners in California 
        have successfully called for the recall of their second highest 
        political official and Senate author of the same legislation - 
        Senate President David Roberti.  

        Roberti has virtually no chance of maintaining his legislative 
        post, not due to his violation of the Second Amendment, but of 
        the exposure to the public of numerous examples of unethical 
        and illegal behavior.  Firearms owners in California have 
        clearly proven that they can destroy the career of any 
        legislator by investigating their past actions, and exposing 
        them to the general public.  Given the nature of today's 
        corrupt political environment, very few legislators can rest 
        with the knowledge that there are no improprieties which can 
        be raised and used against them.

            As shown in this report, even cursory investigations into 
        the backgrounds of "gun control" supporters have provided a 
        wealth of information relating to criminal or, at very least, 
        politically unethical activity. Individuals supporting "gun 
        control" often forget the fact that firearms ownership is 
        widespread throughout all professions; which makes the 
        acquisition of incriminating information a simple task.  Such 
        information will continue to be publicized in direct campaigns 
        against specific legislators as well as be turned over to the 
        appropriate law enforcement authorities for official investi-
        gation and criminal prosecution.  

            The public has little interest or concern for "gun 
        control" when compared to the more important issues of 
        taxes, education, housing, health care, child care, 
        unemployment, welfare, etc.  With almost daily disclosures 
        of some new political scandal, public respect for political 
        figures is today at an all time low and declining even 
        further.  Most individuals view their elected officials 
        as inherently unscrupulous, arrogant, self-serving and 
        corrupt; involved in politics solely for personal gain.  
        For that reason, the exposure of a political figure's 
        criminal and/or unethical behavior is far more likely to 
        result in a voter backlash and/or criminal investigation 
        than the exposure of more serious charges of Constitutional 
        and civil rights violations.  

            This publication, by showing the cause and effect 
        relationship between criminal activity and "gun control" on 
        the part of our elected officials, will undoubtedly initiate 
        additional investigations here and nationwide.  While this 
        strategy is in no way advocated as a replacement to the 
        Second Amendment as the defense of one's Constitutional 
        "Right To Keep And Bear Arms", it is, in the absence of open, 
        factual and reasonable discussion on this issue, one 
        alternative means whereby individuals having no recourse 
        through their legislators and the courts, can very effectively 
        redirect their efforts. 

            It is likely that this new wave of firearms activist, 
        in seeking to protect their rights under the Second Amendment, 
        will actually become the primary watchdog over organized 
        political corruption; in effect replacing the media in its 
        former role.  The results of such activity, although already 
        discounted in the media due to its origin, may possibly result 
        in an increase of positive exposure and public standing of the 
        so-called "gun lobby".  This is likely to occur only after the 
        secondary benefit to the public interest becomes known.


Law Enforcement
                    Governor Florio's firearms legislation has virtually
destroyed the strong, long-standing relationship between firearms owners and
police.  While many police administrators do, in fact, strongly support "gun
controls" and outright firearms prohibition, the great majority (75% and 
greater) of this nation's law enforcement community have been, and continue 
to be, supportive of the Second Amendment, and of the right of private 
citizens to own firearms.  

The fact that Governor Florio was successful in using blackmail, bribery,
threats and intimidation tactics against the one single group of individuals
whose role in society it is to guard against such illegal activity, only
underscores the total domination he once wielded over New Jersey state
government.

Today, there is still no firm understanding within law enforcement as to 
exactly which firearms have been reclassified "Assault Weapons"; or which
ammunition magazine or physical attachment defines an indictable offense. 
The New Jersey Attorney General's office has not issued a clear opinion even
to its own prosecutors - determining the same firearm to one day be an
"Assault Weapon" and the next, "A legal firearm suitable for sporting 
purposes".  They will not provide clarification to public inquiries except for 
the standard official comment - "Read the law".  When directed questions 
regarding this new gun law, New Jersey State Police have simply stated they 
- "Do not know".  

Not surprisingly, the very first law-abiding firearms owner arrested, found 
guilty and sentenced for possession of a firearm under Governor Florio's 
legislation had actually spoken with police and had been advised regarding 
how to disable his firearms in order to comply with the new law.  

Recognizing that the individual had not filed a particular document, the same
police department which initially provided the faulty advice, acquired a 
search warrant, seized his entire collection of lawfully purchased and owned 
firearms, and arrested him on "Assault Weapons" violations.  In his statement 
to the media at the time regarding the arrest, Governor Florio proudly stated, 
"THIS IS THE FIRST OF MANY."   

Recognizing the fact that ALL FIREARMS OWNERSHIP in New Jersey is PRESUMED 
ILLEGAL until proven otherwise, all firearms owners are now prime targets for 
arrest and prosecution.  With government incapable, or in many cases, refusing 
to provide any legal guidelines, even those few firearms owners seeking to 
comply with this legislation cannot receive reliable enough information in 
order to do so.   

Police are equally vulnerable to the "Assault Weapons" law, since there is no
legislative exemption for private police ownership.  At least one New Jersey
police officer has already been arrested and charged for possession of such
weapons as a result of a case where neighboring police responded to a breaking 
and entering at the subject's home.  Ironically, investigating police halted 
their pursuit of a suspect immediately upon finding some empty "high capacity 
magazines", waited for the homeowner to return home, forced him to produce the 
matching firearms, and arrested him on "Assault Weapons" charges.  The final 
tally in this single case: One law enforcement career destroyed; another 
criminal back on the street.  

Obviously overlooked is the fact that Governor Florio's "Assault Weapons" 
legislation will not protect one police officer from the threat of criminals 
using illegal firearms.  The police are generally aware they were used as a
negotiating tool; their lives and safety sold to publicize a non-issue for 
political advantage.  They are only fortunate by the fact that the actual 
illegal use of such weapons in crimes is so very small, most police officers 
will never find themselves threatened by an "Assault Weapon" during their 
entire careers.

Following years in which the Attorney General and other supporters of various
"gun control" proposals could create their own statistics, new legislation has
forced the New Jersey Justice Department to compile statistics on the actual
use of "Assault Weapons" in crimes.  In the first year that verifiable 
statistics are available, the Attorney General has reported the following:

        1)  The incidence of "Assault Weapons", as defined in S.166, 
        being used in crimes by individuals whom acquired those 
        weapons illegally is a statistically insignificant 0.026 of 
        1 percent.  In other words, within the criminal population, 
        the probability that a semi-automatic "Assault Weapon" type 
        firearm is used in a crime in New Jersey is approximately
        26/1000ths of one percent, or statistically zero.  This 
        percentage is actually less than the incidence of similar 
        weapons used in crimes in other states of approximately 1 to 
        2 percent.

        2)  The incidence of "Assault Weapons", as defined in S.166, 
        being used in crimes by individuals whom acquired those 
        weapons legally through the state's permit system is ZERO.  

        3)  The overwhelming majority of individuals arrested for 
        "Assault Weapon" have been individuals whom acquired the 
        weapons legally prior to June of 1989, have no prior 
        criminal records, have never misused firearms, but did not 
        dispose of them as required under the new law.
 
        4) From the results of the Justice Department finding, 
        First Attorney General Frederick De Vesa has stated, 
        "We're ready to concede that there is not really a high 
        percentage of crimes committed with assault firearms."

Contrary to legislation established by the Federal Firearms Owners Protection
Act of 1986, State Police and local authorities have been quietly and 
illegally gathering and compiling registration data on the owners of the 
restricted firearms from the records of local police as well as licensed 
firearms dealers. 

Whether a police swat raid in search of suspected "Assault Weapons" replaces
the infamous income tax audit as the ultimate tool of political intimidation 
and terror remains to be seen.  

Today, full police powers can be easily brought down upon any individual
opposing a politically connected legislator or individual simply by cross
referencing the individual's name to the State Police records list of firearms
and firearms owners.  The wide open definition of "Assault Weapon" can be
applied to the vast majority of semi-automatic firearms owned in New Jersey. 
Such terror tactics, however, are not likely to be limited to opponents within 
the firearms issue alone.  With approximately 50% of all households in New
Jersey containing firearms of various types, there is the high probability 
that critics of other political issues will be targeted using S.166 as well.  
Outside of government and various political entities, residents must also 
fear the fact that all State Police records on firearms ownership are public 
property and also available to the general public through the Freedom of 
Information Act.

Ultimately, New Jersey's police officers will be called upon to enforce 
Governor Florio's legislation by seizing firearms from the homes of its 
citizens.  During legislative hearings in which questions about that phase of 
the legislation was raised, numerous police officials showed strong 
apprehension and fear over sending their officers on such dangerous 
assignments.  Obviously, should just one percent of New Jersey's firearm 
owners resist the violation of their Constitutional and Civil Rights and the 
illegal seizure of their personal property with violence, untold death and 
injury will certainly result.  

Reliable sources within the NJ State Police have, in fact, confirmed the 
request for special swat teams to seize "Assault Weapons" from those firearms 
owners in non-compliance.  NJ State Police have required that swat teams 
charged with carrying out such raids will be comprised of ALL VOLUNTEERS - a
request very likely based on the potential violence such actions will provoke. 

Information exists that the initial wave of search warrants issued will be
targeting officers of NRA and pro-gun organizations, other leading defenders
of the Second Amendment, and local firearms activists.  Any such effort would 
be headed by the current Superintendent of State Police, Justin Dentino, an 
individual closely aligned to former Governor Florio, as well as a vehement
advocate of banning the private possession of all firearms.

Historically, examples of such actions exist in every civilization in which 
the government has used force to take away the people's arms.  The first shots
fired over two hundred years ago, which ultimately let to the creation of this
Country, began because a peoples' government came to forcibly seize their 
arms.  The horrific events earlier this year in Waco, Texas were also 
initiated by a government that came in order to seize the guns!   Most New 
Jersey firearms owners fear, and fully expect, that some level of government 
force will be used against them in the near future. 
     

The Public 
                    Viewed in terms of the largest number of individuals 
negatively affected by Governors Florio's legislation, one must conclude that 
the entire general population of New Jersey has lost greatly.  

According to the 1992 NJ Uniform Crime Report, approximately 1.5 MILLION 
residents have been victims of violent crimes during the period of time 
Governor Florio used his administration's full resources in first passing, and
then preventing the repeal of, New Jersey's "Assault Weapons" legislation. 
Millions of dollars in state funds, which could have been used in combating
crime or in helping crime victims, were instead misused for political 
advantage. 

Out of 48,650 violent crimes committed in New Jersey during the year 1992,
a total of 13 cases involved illegally obtained "Assault Weapons".  Not one of
which was prevented nor could have been prevented by New Jersey's "Assault
Weapon" ban. 

Again, it is only fortunate that the actual use of such firearms in the
commission of violent crimes is extremely small, and does not constitute a
threat to public safety.  Nevertheless, there was, four years ago, the 
opportunity to seriously punish violent criminals for their use and possession 
of "Assault Weapons".  That opportunity to serve the citizens of this state 
was passed over by Governor Florio and his Democratic supporters solely for
political gain.  

The degree to which Governor Florio and the news media have manipulated this 
issue is already recognized by most of the two million New Jersey residents 
who are firearms owners and who are well aware of the facts.  What the general 
public and even most firearms owners do not know, however, is the role the 
enormous volume of political corruption played in the passage of Governor 
Florio's legislation.  It is hoped that the facts behind New Jersey's "Assault 
Weapons" legislation be ultimately recognized as a result of the electronic 
distribution of this investigation.


The Media
                    Unquestionably, Governor Florio could never have succeeded 
in propagating such a massive fraud against the citizens of New Jersey had the 
media allowed honest reporting on this issue.  The organized news media, in 
its zeal to support its own agenda against private firearms ownership, 
KNOWINGLY IGNORED blatant examples of fraud, corruption, blackmail, bribery 
and the assorted other criminal activities of our highest ranking political 
figures.  

With the issue of firearms being only ONE example, the media has clearly
proven the abandonment of their First Amendment responsibility. They have
virtually eliminated this most fundamental and important guarantee of 
individual freedom to the American public.

Over the past four years, the media has donated untold millions of dollars in
free advertising and publicity to the Governor.  While sensationalist and 
false information supplied from both the Governor's office and Handgun 
Control, Inc. was publicized in virtually every state newspaper on a weekly, 
if not daily basis, paid advertisements submitted by NRA and other pro-Second 
Amendment organizations were refused.  The media disallowed any opposing 
opinion to the agenda established by the Governor's office.  

The Governor's 1993 re-election committee threatened, in writing, every
newspaper, radio and television station with civil lawsuit should they accept
advertising from the National Rifle Association.  In many cases, the content 
of articles, editorials and even "public opinion polls" were changed at the
Governor's demand.  

One argument made by supporters of the Second Amendment has been that
individual rights under the First Amendment would first have to be destroyed
before "gun control", or more accurately, the elimination of the private
ownership of firearms, could be implemented.  That argument was conclusively
proven correct by the actions of Governor Florio during the Gubernatorial
elections.  Yet, rather than rise up over the outrageous violation of their 
own First Amendment Rights, the media willingly complied.

To further support his goals, Governor Florio spent unknown millions of tax
dollars on the unscheduled promotional advertising for various state interests
and departments; threatening the cancellation of such advertisements from any
media outlet accepting NRA or sportsmen produced ads.  As a result, only ONE 
political advertisement was allowed to appear from NRA or any sportsmens 
group throughout the entire 1993 election campaign.

Outraged by any attempt to oppose him, Governor Florio sent a directive to all
county prosecutors demanding the arrest and prosecution of automobile drivers 
displaying the NRA produced bumper sticker, Florio-Free in '93.  Once again, 
the same media and so-called civil liberties supporters which immediately 
scream at even the suggestion of censoring any speech or printed material 
short of child pornography, never even raised a whisper of concern. 

As stated previously, the information presented here only represents the most
blatant violations of official conduct and criminal activity on the part of 
former Governor Florio and various New Jersey legislators.  Additional 
information and evidence exists to direct new investigations into other areas 
as well.  

As the facts relating to this issue unfold from the distribution of this
investigative report, the question will remain of whether the organized news
media will reassume the forgotten role of government watchdog, or whether they 
will maintain their four year news blackout of the Governor's illegal 
activities.  Regardless, as examples of former Governor Florio's legislative
corruption gradually become known, the credibility of the mass media will only
be further diminished - thereby providing less protection for similar corrupt
political activity in the future. 




                   Already, examples of Governor Florio's 
                         past criminal activities 
                     have broken through the news front
                         and into public awareness.  


They are:


Leases: Assemblyman Wayne Bryant's $2.8 million leasing contract with
     the state for office space in an empty building he owned.  There
     was no documented need, nor any official state request for the
     office space.  It was rented, however, at twice the prevailing 
     rate for office space in that area.  Presently under Grand Jury
     investigation. 

QEA: Assemblyman Doria and Senator Ambrosio are under Grand Jury
     investigation relating to their illegal transfer and diversion 
     of $1.5 million in education funds into Ambrosio's legislative 
     district.  Governor Florio then arranged a second $1.5 million 
     grant through the Department of Commerce in replacement for 
     the rescinded $1.5 million in education funds.

Coastal Copier: Governor Florio's largest campaign contributor is 
     under investigation for submitting forged ownership documents 
     and for receiving a $1.7 million no bid state contract while 
     at the same time owing over $1 million in back taxes.

Senator Bassano:  Forced to turn down his appointment by Governor
     Florio to the Casino Control Commission following public 
     criticism over the position being a reward for selling his 
     vote to the Governor.

NJ Turnpike Bonds: Millions of dollars in profits from the Governor's 
     sale of state highway to the NJ Turnpike Authority were routed 
     through his Chief of Staff, Joe Salema's, newly formed bond 
     company, Armicon.  Bond companies profiting from the $400 
     million in bond work contributed heavily to Governor Florio's 
     re-election campaign.  Joe Salema resigned as Chief of Staff 
     due to this scandal.  Presently under Grand Jury investigation.



Future scandals awaiting official investigation are:


Judgeships:  The Governor's "sale" of judgeships in return for 
     political campaign contributions.  Under preliminary  
     investigation.

Nursing Homes:  Governor Florio allowed his Commissioner of the
     Department of Health, Brenda Bacon, to institute changes in 
     the state's approval of all nursing home expansions.  As a 
     result, she and the Governor's Chief of Staff, Joe Salema, 
     received the only state approvals for the nursing homes they 
     jointly owned. 

Governor Florio's financial relationship to Joe Salema:  In 1988, 
     then Congressman Florio received a percentage of the profits 
     produced from the sale of real estate owned by Joe Salema, 
     Brenda Bacon and associate Nick Rudy under the company 
     heading of Consolidated Financial.  Congressman Florio 
     received a 25% share of profits as reported on his income 
     tax return although not listed as part of any corporation or 
     entity owning the subject property. Joe Salema began his 
     political career as Congressman Florio's chauffeur.  Through 
     the funneling of no bid contracts and bond work through 
     Salema's many startup financial holdings, he has become a 
     millionaire many times over.  It is heavily suspected that
     a percentage of those profits derived from the Governor's
     influence are being indirectly channeled back to the Governor.

Mudge-Rose:  Due to public outcry over the large number of Florio
     Administration officials that accepted high salaried positions 
     with companies to which they previously directed state 
     business, Governor Florio signed an Executive Order barring 
     such employment for ex-officials for a set period of time.  
     Out of office, Jim Florio has since received a reported 
     $750,000 to $1,000,000 position with the law firm of Mudge-
     Rose Guthrie Alexander & Ferdon, the same firm to which he 
     directed tens of millions of dollars of no bid bond review 
     work for the New Jersey Sports Authority as Governor.  
     Against recently filed ethics charges, Jim Florio has stated 
     his Executive Order barring such employment is not binding 
     upon the Governor's office.  Investigations are pending.

MTF: The official "priority list" of 49 law firms, many owned 
     by Democratic legislators and associates of the Governor, 
     which have been selected to share in $45 million in insurance 
     related legal fees from the newly created insurance Market 
     Transition Facility.  

Senator Lesniak:  Lesniak used his position as Chairman of the 
     Senate Labor, Industry and Professions Committee to promote 
     key legislation supportive of his private law practice.  
     Lesniak's law firm has reaped millions of dollars in legal 
     fees from insurance firms at the same time he would, as a 
     legislator, propose legislation beneficial to his insurance 
     clientele.


The Courts
                    Senator Russo was entirely correct in  stating that his 
proposed "Assault Weapons" legislation would be enough a violation of the 
Second Amendment to warrant its overturn in court.  But he was also correct in 
stating that the New Jersey courts would never oppose the state with such an 
opinion.  

In questions of firearms law, New Jersey Courts have traditionally shown minor
distinction between lawful and unlawful firearms ownership.  New Jersey Courts 
have openly acknowledged their biased view of the NJ:2C firearms code as a 
means to "reduce the proliferation of firearms" - rather than as a basis to 
arbitrate individual eligibility to own firearms, or to consider questions of 
Constitutional law.

New Jersey Courts have upheld the argument that the Fourteenth Amendment to 
the United States Constitution DOES NOT afford New Jersey residents protection 
under either the United States Constitution or the Bill of Rights.  

In New Jersey, the Superior Court not only judges the validity of firearms
legislation, they administer the law as well.  All licenses required to carry
handguns, or to purchase "Assault Weapons" and machineguns must be approved by 
a Superior Court Judge.  In cases of handgun carry permits, New Jersey judges 
deny virtually all applications and have case law from the NJ Supreme Court to 
support such decisions.  

Retired police officers are currently lobbying in support of legislation which
would give them special exemption to the current carry permit restrictions. 
This has been prompted since the New Jersey Supreme Court has ruled that even
security guards and private investigators cannot demonstrate sufficient "need"
to carry firearms.  A dual system of "justice" exists in New Jersey which, 
governed by an unwritten protocol, legislators and individuals having the 
necessary political ties are the only individuals granted handgun carry 
licenses. 
 
Firearm owners have little promise of raising any future Constitutional
challenge within a judicial system which has become so thoroughly corrupted. 
The fact that judgeships have been routinely "sold" or "traded" in this state 
in return for political contributions, favors and votes makes it highly 
unlikely this issue will ever receive fair and impartial judicial review.  
Firearms owners arrested in violation of this legislation have virtually no 
chance of receiving a fair trial.

Given the checks and balances written into the U.S. Constitution, it is 
obvious that the Founding Fathers never anticipated the vast degree of 
political corruption which exists within the American Court system today.


"Gun Control" Supporters    

                    From the very beginning of this decades long controversy, 
"gun control" supporters have adamantly refuted any claim that their objective 
was to restrict, ban, or in any way prevent the ownership of firearms by 
law-abiding citizens.  Handgun Control, Inc. advertises their objective simply 
as, "Working to keep handguns out of the wrong hands".  The National Coalition 
to Ban Handguns has changed its name to the "Center to Prevent Handgun 
Violence".

The recent events in New Jersey, however, prove that any such claims to be 
complete and absolute lies.  Like S.166 and "gun control" legislation 
elsewhere, "gun control" advocates have consistently shown their intention to 
have far less to do with controlling the possession and use of firearms by 
criminals, than to make all and any firearms unavailable to the American 
public.  

The entire nationwide controversy over so-called "Assault Weapons" had nothing 
to do with crime but was, in fact, created by one consultant to Handgun 
Control, Inc., Josh Sugerman.  Sugerman polled the general public to identify
their understanding (but more importantly their misunderstanding) of firearms,
and quickly recognized the tremendous confusion relating to machineguns and
semi-automatic firearms.  From his research, Sugerman recommended that Handgun 
Control move their activity from the area of banning handguns, to the banning 
of semi-automatic firearms; labeling them "Assault Weapons" through the media.  
Semi-automatic firearms were targeted not due to the incidence in crimes, but 
due to the fact that it presented the greatest opportunity to manipulate the 
general population.  Exploiting the unknowing public continues to be the 
primary tactic used in the fight toward greater "gun control".

With a set of pre-qualifying police background checks, proficiency tests, 
mental health checks, and other restrictions governing all classes of 
firearms, and with statistics showing virtually ZERO crimes of any type 
committed by licensed gun owners, New Jersey prior to Jim Florio as Governor 
should have been the example by which HCI and similar organizations could hold 
as an example of success.  Instead, they have overwhelmingly proven their sole 
intention as being the elimination of all private firearms ownership.  Citing 
the civil rights violations now occurring in New Jersey, a small but growing 
number of individuals previously supportive of "gun controls" are now 
beginning to question that position, and the fact of whether such unlikely 
benefit toward reduced crime is worth the enormous risks to their own 
Constitutional freedoms and safety.    

Such fraud on the part of "gun control" supporters has prevented any rational
discussion of the issue, and will continue to do so, as long as legislators 
fail to recognize the true objectives of those proponents advocating 
"reasonable gun controls". 




                           IN SHORT, THE ISSUE OF 
                            REDUCING THE CRIMINAL
                         ACQUISITION OF ALL TYPES OF
                          FIREARMS COULD BE SOLVED
                        TOMORROW - IF THAT WERE TRULY
                               THE OBJECTIVE!
                        


Needless to say, following the success of his firearms legislation here in New
Jersey, Governor Florio and various other "gun control" supporting 
organizations have testified before Congress in favor of federal "Assault 
Weapons" legislation patterned after the same restrictions in New Jersey.  
Whether the rest of the United States follows the police state tactics used by 
the State of New Jersey against its law-abiding citizens remains to be seen.
                         

Recommendations 
                    Based upon the information presented here, it should be 
obvious that the firearms or "Assault Weapons" issue is quite secondary in 
importance to the primary question of how such extensive political corruption 
has been allowed to flourish unchecked in New Jersey.  This investigation 
simply illustrates the results of a corrupt political system operating in an 
absence of media attention and judicial impartiality.   

For individuals unfamiliar with traditional New Jersey politics, the 
activities cited in this report would more likely be associated with a major 
organized crime syndicate.  In truth Governor Florio has ruled New Jersey 
using the exact same principles and methods during the past four years.

This investigation also demonstrates how INTERDEPENDENT one Constitutional 
freedom is upon all others, and of the critical importance of a true 
separation of powers.  Obviously, had the First Amendment been upheld in the 
reporting of this issue, the violation of the Second Amendment and much of the
accompanying political corruption would have never occurred.  Similarly, had
the Second, Fifth, Ninth and Fourteenth Amendments been acknowledged and 
applied by the courts in the legal review of this legislation, S.166 would 
never have been allowed to stand.

Governor Florio could have manipulated other issues as the vehicle to coverup 
his many controversial actions and decisions.  Given the media's long standing 
opposition to private firearms ownership, coupled to the knowledge of the 
public's complete misunderstanding of the issue, however, his call for a law 
banning "Assault Weapons" was obviously the most effective choice. 

Today, the call for "gun control" continues as the means for any local, state 
or national political figure to attain almost instantaneous and unanimous 
positive exposure in the media.  The reasons for such actions vary.

For most legislators, the call for "gun control" is simply a means to appease
their constituents' demand to take action against our growing violent crime
problem.  Whether or not they are aware of the facts, it is far easier to 
support intangible legislation, having already been sold to the public by the 
mass media as the solution to the problem, than it is to address the root 
causes of crime, the failure of the courts and the obvious collapse of the 
entire criminal justice system.

As documented here, the issue of "gun control" is also an invaluable political
tool for redirecting the attention of the media elsewhere.  Whether it be 
former Governor Florio's need to cover-up his private political dealings, 
former New York City Mayor Dinkins' corruption furor, Senator DeConcini's 
sidestep of his involvement in the savings and loan scandal, or President 
Clinton's numerous political and personal scandals, political figures will 
continue to prostitute the firearms issue to their own advantage as long as 
they are guaranteed unqualified positive press exposure.  Political figures 
are likely to exploit the uninformed public regarding all aspects of the 
firearms issue for years to come.

This New Jersey Investigative Report is submitted as an example of government 
in its most dangerous, corrupt and disgraceful form.  We feel we have 
presented just cause, supported by ample information, to warrant a full and 
thorough investigation into the criminal activities which have taken place
over the past four years of Governor Florio's Administration.  

This report is the result of months of investigation and interviews.  It is 
based upon publicly known facts as well as privately held information acquired 
from interviews with individuals most closely involved in the issue.  
Confidential information has been obtained from past and present New Jersey 
legislators, police and government officials and from individuals within the 
former Governor's inner circle.  Nevertheless, additional examples of 
corruption and scandal, currently undocumented, await exposure through a 
formal criminal investigations.  

Documentation supporting the information presented in this investigation is 
available and is being compiled for future release through the same electronic 
media outlets.  

The names of specific individuals cited as sources to this report can be 
provided although the most cursory examination into the above allegations will
yield individuals knowledgeable of the same facts.  Further examination into
the corrupt activities within Governor Florio's former administration will
undoubtedly require a full Federal investigation exercising subpena power,
witness immunity, and the forced testimony under oath of key individuals.      


                  We therefore specifically request:

     
        1)  The New Jersey Attorney General launch a thorough
        investigation into the administrative and criminal
        misconduct of former Governor Florio and of those
        legislators identified through this investigation.  

        2) United States Attorney General Janet Reno commission 
        a thorough investigation into the administrative and
        criminal misconduct of former Governor Florio and
        those legislators identified through this investigation 
        for the purpose of establishing cause to bring forward
        formal criminal charges pursuant to United States Code
        - Title 18; Chapter 96 - Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt
        Organizations,  pursuant but not limited to Sections: 
        201 (bribery), 1344 (financial fraud), 1503 (obstruction 
        of justice), 1510 (obstruction of criminal investigations),
        1511 (Obstruction of law enforcement), 1512 (tampering
        with a witness or informant), 1513 (retaliation against a
        witness or informant), interference with commerce,
        robbery, extortion), 1952 (racketeering).

        3)  The United States Congress hold investigative
        hearings relating to the criminal misconduct of former
        Governor Florio and those legislators named in the
        above investigation for the purpose of establishing the
        violation of civil rights against the residents of the 
        State of New Jersey.


Summation

               The activities that have occurred during the past four years of 
Governor Florio's administration are a violation of virtually every principle 
upon which the United States was founded and built. 

Governor Florio has corrupted the executive, legislative and judicial branches
of government.  He has violated the First, Second, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth,
Seventh, Ninth, Tenth and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States 
Constitution.  He has created a public mistrust and contempt for government
not seen since the days of prohibition.   He has blatantly violated his sworn
Oath of Office.  He has, by every definition, created an aggressive police 
state.  And he has broadcast his success in doing so to every other corrupt, 
self-serving political figure in this country; thereby encouraging political 
corruption elsewhere.  

It is likely that President Clinton's call for a New Jersey styled "Assault
Weapons" ban is the result of the need to improve his low popularity.  Given
the well documented volume of bribes and political favors paid out to specific
Congressmen in order to pass the President's North American Free Trade
Agreement and retroactive tax increase package, bribes estimated to be an
average $7.5 MILLION PER VOTE, American firearms owners can fully expect
that similar "incentives" will be the main underlying motivation toward 
President Clinton's anti-gun agenda as well.  

With the high priority of the media to ban the private possession of all and 
any firearms possible, it is virtually guaranteed that even the most blatant 
examples of political corruption would receive no media exposure - A fact 
President Clinton and the entire United States Congress are well aware.  

As a private firearms owner, you must recognize the fact that there has never
been "gun control" legislation written which has to do strictly with the 
criminal use of firearms.  It has to do with restricting YOUR USE AND 
OWNERSHIP of firearms.  You must also recognize the fact that even if you do 
not own an "Assault Weapon" or semi-automatic firearm, you certainly own some 
other type of firearm your government will find some excuse to ban.  Handgun
Control already has the most powerful argument against your ownership of bolt
action rifles in the Zapruder film, which captured President Kennedy's
assassination, waiting to be used.

Remember, YOU are the number one target of your government.  It is not the
murderer, not the criminal, not the drug dealer.  It is YOU!  "Assault 
Weapons" are simply the popular excuse of today - much like "Saturday Night 
Specials" and "Cop Killer Bullets" a few years back.  

Your government desperately fears your ability to own ANY FIREARM, and they 
are in the midst of a well organized propaganda campaign to convince the 
general public they need to seize whatever you have. You must finally
recognize that every method available to government, whether legal and 
illegal, will be used against you in order to take away your firearms.  

And that at some future point, they will begin kicking down doors to get them.


                            FOR THE ABOVE REASONS,
                       IS CRITICALLY IMPORTANT THAT YOU
                    UNDERSTAND, COPY AND DISTRIBUTE THIS
                        REPORT TO BOTH LEGISLATIVE
                        REPRESENTATIVES AS WELL AS 
                      FIREARMS ACTIVISTS IN YOUR AREA

                                   
                         SINCE IN ALL PROBABILITY, 
                       YOUR RIGHTS WILL BE DESTROYED 
                        USING THE EXACT SAME TACTICS 
                     AS OUTLINED IN THIS INVESTIGATION.

                                  
                                 THANK YOU.                             

                                  



                                  
                                 ADDENDUM
                              
Our effort to expose the widespread corruption of the Florio administration is
inspired by the interest to the preserve of the United States Constitution in 
its entirety.  It is dedicated to the many individuals and organizations which 
have supported this initiative by providing critically important facts, memos, 
supportive documentation, interviews, witnesses and numerous offerings of 
incriminating information. 

The author of this investigative report wishes to acknowledge the  strength of 
the millions of New Jersey residents whom have persevered through the past 
four years during which civil rights protection under the United States 
Constitution has ceased to exist.

Due to the events at Ruby Ridge, Waco, and other situations where the full 
force of our government has been called upon to destroy one or more targeted
individuals, the source of this document has chosen to remain anonymous - AT
THIS TIME.  

This should, by no means, be taken to imply that the information contained 
herein is tainted, untrue, or based upon anything but solid fact.  Within this 
report we have requested both State and Federal investigations into the 
charges presented, and will provide the names of specific witness at that 
time.  The same facts, information, names and witnesses upon which this 
document is based are available as well from numerous other individuals whom 
have been involved in the past four years of opposition to this legislation. 

Firearms owners in New Jersey are painfully aware of the tactics that can, and
have been used against them by political individuals and the agencies under 
their control.  Aside from the tremendous threat of the current "Assault 
Weapons" legislation, too many other avenues exist for political retribution - 
both State and Federal.  Former Governor Florio has privately conceded that 
firearms owners were the primary factor preventing his reelection, and has 
vowed to use whatever influence sill available to him to exact retribution.  

It is indeed a disgrace that the United States Constitution has been so 
thoroughly weakened - that it can no longer provide any protection over the 
dissemination of the above information.  Yet, FEAR has become the reality of 
firearms ownership in New Jersey today - and for years to come.

This document is being distributed exclusively in a unique forum through 
electronic bulletin boards (BBS) across the United States and overseas.  
Aside from circumventing the influence of government, as well as the 
puppeteers behind our hopelessly corrupt media, this electronic communications 
medium provides the ability to greatly speed the distribution of FLORIOGATE.  

Since everyone reading this electronic file has the capability to reproduce it 
in its EXACT original form, it allows anyone to act as publisher and 
distributor.  Supporters of the Second Amendment, as well as individuals 
concerned over the widespread corruption which has flourished behind the 
cover of this issue are encouraged to upload FLORIOGATE (FLORIO.ZIP) to every 
BBS system available, and to print and distribute it widely.  

Supporters of the Second Amendment should realize that their future is fully
dependant upon the actions they, themselves, take today to defend their few
remaining rights.  Opposing your once guaranteed rights are the combined 
forces of federal, state and local governments.  

The information contained herein offers a powerful argument against enacting
similar legislation nationally, as well as in your State or local area.  It 
also suggests new methods by which to most effectively direct your legislative 
efforts at similarly corrupt politicians.  Getting this information out to the 
general public is totally dependant upon your actions, and your actions alone.

Replies to this report can be directed through computer to Patrick Henry at 
the following BBS numbers - (201) 726-0038 (2400) or (201) 729-9538 (9600). 
Modem communications should be set at N-8-1.  Your Password -  FLORIOGATE


                                  **********                             

        Your assistance is requested in distributing this investigative 
        report through all available outlets - both electronic and printed.  

        Full permission is granted to reproduce this document in part or 
        in its entirety.
                                     


                "By calling attention to 'a well regulated 
                militia', the 'security' of the nation, and 
                the right of each citizen 'to keep and bear 
                arms', our founding fathers recognized the 
                essentially civilian nature of our economy".  
                "Although  it is extremely unlikely that the 
                fears of government tyranny which gave rise 
                to the Second Amendment will ever be a major 
                danger to our nation, the Amendment still 
                remains an important declaration of our basic 
                civilian-military relationships, in which 
                every citizen must be ready to participate in 
                the defense of his country.  

                For that reason, I believe the Second Amendment 
                will always be important.                            

                    
                                        Senator John F. Kennedy
                                        April 1960                    
